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Erschienen in: Political Behavior 4/2018

14.09.2017 | Original Paper

Anger and Declining Trust in Government in the American Electorate

verfasst von: Steven W. Webster

Erschienen in: Political Behavior | Ausgabe 4/2018

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Abstract

Partisanship in the United States in the contemporary era is largely characterized by feelings of anger and negativity. While the behavioral consequences of this new style of partisanship have been explored at some length, less is known about how the anger that is at the root of this growing partisan antipathy affects Americans’ views of the national government. In this paper, I utilize data from the 2012 American National Election Studies to show that higher levels of anger are associated with a greater level of distrust in government across a variety of metrics. I then present evidence from a survey experiment on a national sample of registered voters to show that anger has a causal effect in reducing citizens’ trust in government. Importantly, I find that anger is able to affect an individual’s views of the national government even when it is aroused through apolitical means. I also find that merely prompting individuals to think about politics is sufficient to arouse angry emotions. In total, the results suggest that anger and politics are closely intertwined, and that anger plays a broad and powerful role in shaping how Americans view their governing institutions.

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Fußnoten
1
Forgas and Moylan’s (1987) movies with a happy valence were Beverly Hills Cop, Police Academy 2, Back to the Future, and Brewster’s Millions. Their movies with a sad valence were Dance with a Stranger, Mask, Birdy, and Killing Fields. Their movies with an aggressive valence were First Blood, Rambo, Mad Max 2, and Mad Max 3.
 
2
In these calculations, respondents identifying as an independent who lean toward one of the two major parties were classified as a partisan.
 
3
See https://​www.​census.​gov/​2010census/​data/​ for more demographic information from the 2010 U.S. Census.
 
4
The full range of possible responses are “never,” “some of the time,” “about half the time,” “most of the time,” and “always.”
 
5
It is important to note that the questions used to create these measures are the second part of a branching item in the 2012 ANES. The first question in the two-item series asks individuals whether they ever reported feeling angry at the Democratic or Republican presidential candidate. Only those individuals who answered “yes” are branched into this second question that reports the frequency of anger. As a robustness check, I also analyzed the models with the first question of the branch as the key independent variable. This question simply asks whether the respondent ever reported feeling angry at the Democratic (or Republican) presidential candidate. The results are robust to this change.
 
6
The models with standardized coefficients are available upon request.
 
7
In column one, the standardized anger coefficient is 61% of the size of the standardized partisanship coefficient; in the second column, it is 93% of the size; in the third, it is 62%.
 
8
Individuals who identify as either a “strong Democrat” or a “strong Republican” are classified as strong partisans.
 
9
These models can be found in the Appendix.
 
10
Such an approach is not the only way to alter individuals’ emotional states. Lab experiments facilitate a wider range of experimental manipulations—such as games or human interactions—but are impractical within the context of a survey experiment. For an excellent overview of “how to push someone’s buttons,” see Lobbestael et al. (2008).
 
11
Adding a series of control variables to a model that is estimated on experimental data accomplishes two things: first, given that the coefficients change very little between the unconditional and the conditional models, we can have a high degree of confidence that the randomization process worked as intended; and, second, it helps alleviate any infelicities that might have occurred during randomization.
 
12
While different treatment wordings were both able to successfully induce anger in survey participants, there is no statistically significant difference between the “anger” coefficient and the “anger about politics” coefficient.
 
13
For more information on how words are indicative of personality and emotional states, see Allport and Odbert’s (1936) discussion of the “lexical hypothesis.”
 
14
A density plot of angry words and negative emotional words by treatment status can be found in the Appendix.
 
15
Indeed, it is possible to imagine that individuals could either become inspired by thinking about politics (and so write from a positive emotional standpoint) or become upset or outraged by thinking about politics (and so write from a negative emotional standpoint).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Anger and Declining Trust in Government in the American Electorate
verfasst von
Steven W. Webster
Publikationsdatum
14.09.2017
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Political Behavior / Ausgabe 4/2018
Print ISSN: 0190-9320
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-6687
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-017-9431-7

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