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Erschienen in: Quality & Quantity 3/2022

14.07.2021

Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status

verfasst von: Bojan Todosijević, Zoran Pavlović, Olivera Komar

Erschienen in: Quality & Quantity | Ausgabe 3/2022

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Abstract

In most contemporary conceptions of populist ideology, anti-elite orientation is considered to be one of its central components. Consequently, instruments designed to measure populism include items intended to capture anti-elitism. Such operationalizations may, however, neglect the interaction with the political status of the relevant actors—that is, parties/leaders. A negative and critical attitude towards the party or parties in government could reflect a populist anti-elite orientation but might also simply represent a negative attitude towards a specific party (which may be affected by pre-existing party identification or a negative government performance evaluation). Hence, such an indicator of populist ideology would then be contaminated by unintended content. This paper uses the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems dataset (with the addition of Serbia) to analyze the average anti-elite scores of parties in different countries. The overall results suggest that the anti-elite scale also captures the attitude towards parties in government. The paper discusses the methodological ramifications of this finding.

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1
Silva (2019, 2020), relying on cognitive dissonance theory and data from Bolivia and Ecuador, shows that elected populists may be exempted from the definition of 'political elites', thus enabling populist voters to remain anti-elitist, i.e., populist.
 
2
Schulz et al. (2018) provide support for this approach, by finding that anti-elitism covaries with two other populist attitudes, both related to people-centrism, i.e. a preference for popular sovereignty, and a belief in the homogeneity and virtuousness of the people, towards a higher-order dimension of populism in Switzerland.
 
3
Schulz et al. (2018) include the item Q4_6 into their sub-dimension of populism labelled "preference for popular sovereignty" (see below).
 
4
A similar, though not identical, index of populist attitudes was used by Andreadis, Stavrakakis, & Demertzis (2018) using Greek data.
 
5
These expert evaluations are included as CSES variables E5020_A to E5020_I. In most election studies, these evaluations are the averaged answers of several team members. In the Greek September 2015 study, 43 experts/national collaborators have assisted in the classification. For further detail, consult the CSES Module 5 Macro Reports.
 
6
For more details about each election study and the CSES project, visit the project’s web-site (www.​cses.​org).
 
7
No party is described as populist by the CSES collaborators. Global Party Survey also describes no Chilean party as “Strongly populist”. Moreover, the anti-elite items do not differentiate the voters of different Chilean parties.
 
8
The Taiwanese CSES collaborators did not provide populism evaluations for the parties on the grounds that the concept is inapplicable. The Global Party Survey described no Taiwanese party as “Strongly populist”, while the GPS does not include scores for Hong Kong parties.
 
9
We performed the same analyses using factor scores instead of summarized values. The conclusions remain the same, but we opted for summarized scores for reasons of simplicity and comparability.
 
10
Note that in the US election study we excluded the following item: “Most politicians care only about the interests of the rich and powerful.” The reason is that it distorts the difference between the two major parties. Specifically, while the remaining four anti-elite items show higher agreement among Republican voters (or no difference), the opposite is the case for the ‘rich and powerful’ question. There, Republican voters are significantly more positive about elites, i.e., it is the Democrat voters who show a stronger belief that elites ‘care only about the rich and powerful’. So, because this question obviously has a different connotation in this context, we excluded it from the scale. With this item included, the AEOI scale does not differentiate between the voters of the two main parties, but without it, the difference is significant – Republican voters are more anti-elite oriented.
 
11
The Austrian CSES collaborators gave score 9 to this party.
 
12
The party was given a score of only 6 on the 0–10 populism scale by eleven Austrian CSES collaborators, while the GPS categorizes this party as “Moderately pluralist”.
 
13
Both GPS and CSES collaborators consider this party as being populist (three German CSES collaborators gave score 7 to AfD).
 
14
GPS categorizes the Left party as “Moderately Populist”, while AfD is classified as “Strongly Populist”.
 
15
Note that the same data for Greece have been analyzed previously, in a similar, though by no means identical, manner by Andreadis, Stavrakakis, & Demertzis (2018). We still report the results for the Greek CSES dataset here, because the previously reported results do not present the data (including the AEOI scale) in the same way as in this paper, and therefore do not allow direct comparisons between different election studies.
 
16
The 43 Greek CSES experts gave it an average score of 8 on the 0–10 populism scale, while GPS categorizes it as “Moderately populist” (based on 8 expert judgments).
 
17
The Greek CSES collaborators gave an ANEL score of 7 on the 0–10 populism scale. GPS, on the other hand, categorized ANEL, Golden Dawn, and the Communist Party as “Strongly populist”..
 
18
Neither GPS nor CSES experts describe DPS as particularly populist. Six CSES experts gave it a score of 4 (0–10 scale), while 8 GPS experts describe it as “Moderately pluralist”. However, the two rankings widely differ for some other Montenegrin parties, suggesting a considerable degree of ambiguity about the ideological character of these parties.
 
19
Democratic Front, (DF) is an electoral coalition of the New Serbian Democracy (NSD), the Movement for Changes (PzP) and some other smaller parties. Democratic Front and Democratic Montenegro are described in GPS datasets both as “Strongly populist”, while Key Coalition and SDP are seen as pluralist (not populist).
 
20
GPS characterizes SNS (and its coalition partners), as being “Strongly populist”.
 
21
It is not surprising that cross-cultural measurement of populism is difficult, and we do not want to appear too critical towards the CSES measures. Although measuring “extreme-right voting behaviour” should be simpler than measuring populist ideology, Hooghe and Reeskens showed that “survey data on extreme-right voting behaviour lack cross-cultural external validity because of a combination of response and measurement bias” (2017, p. 194).
 
22
We thank the Reviewer #4 for this interesting point.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status
verfasst von
Bojan Todosijević
Zoran Pavlović
Olivera Komar
Publikationsdatum
14.07.2021
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Quality & Quantity / Ausgabe 3/2022
Print ISSN: 0033-5177
Elektronische ISSN: 1573-7845
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-021-01197-5

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