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Erschienen in: Social Choice and Welfare 2/2023

25.03.2023 | Original Paper

Moral awareness polarizes people’s fairness judgments

verfasst von: Michael Kurschilgen

Erschienen in: Social Choice and Welfare | Ausgabe 2/2023

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Abstract

How does moral awareness affect people’s fairness judgments? Using a simple model of identity utility, I predict that if individuals differ in their personal fairness ideals (equality versus efficiency), reflecting over what one thinks is right should not only make people’s choices less selfish but also more polarized. On the other hand, people’s desire for conforming with the behavior of their peers could help mitigate polarization. I test these conjectures in a laboratory experiment, in which participants can pursue different fairness ideals. I exogenously vary (i) whether participants are prompted to state their moral opinions behind the veil of ignorance, and (ii) whether they are informed about the behavior of their peers. I find that moral introspection makes choices more polarized, reflecting even more divergent moral opinions. The increase in polarization coincides largely with a widening of revealed gender differences as introspection makes men’s choices more efficiency-oriented and women’s more egalitarian. Disclosing the descriptive norm of the situation is not capable of mitigating the polarization.

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Fußnoten
1
In recent years, an increasing number of companies has been encouraging their employees to actively think about the moral implications of their behavior (Kaptein 2015). Coca-Cola (2018) for instance urges employees to “do what is right”. Google (2018) appeals to “identifying the right thing to do", acknowledging that it is “impossible to spell out every possible ethical scenario we might face. Instead, we rely on one another’s good judgment [...]”.
 
2
A notable exception is the theoretical work of te Velde (2020).
 
3
More broadly, conceptions of morality have been shown to differ between liberals and conservatives (Haidt and Graham 2007; Graham et al. 2009), men and women (Friesdorf et al. 2015), and across cultures (Graham et al. 2016).
 
4
Following the taxonomy of Bicchieri and Dimant (2019), my two treatment dimensions represent two dichotomous interventions into the choice architecture. Whereas moral introspection aims at influencing behavior by appealing to people’s unconditional preferences for adhering to an injunctive norm, providing social information seeks to affect behavior by appealing to people’s conditional preferences for complying with a descriptive norm. By independently quantifying the effectiveness of both interventions, we can therefore diagnose the nature of the targeted behavior (Bicchieri 2016; Bicchieri and Dimant 2019).
 
5
Potentially, social information may not only homogenize people’s behavior but even their moral opinions. Studying situations without normative ambivalence, Lindström et al. (2018) report evidence suggesting that the commonness of behavior influences people’s moral judgments.
 
6
For similar approaches, see for instance Brekke et al. (2003); Akerlof and Kranton (2000, 2005); Levitt and List (2007); Kessler and Milkman (2018); Burks and Krupka (2012); Krupka et al. (2017). For a recent review, see Vostroknutov (2020). Another large strand of literature models the effect of (moral) identity on people’s behavior as a Bayesian preference-signaling game (Bénabou and Tirole 2006, 2011; Grossman and van der Weele 2017; Kurschilgen and Marcin 2019).
 
7
See Benjamin et al. (2010) for a related discussion.
 
8
The design of the MDG aims for subjects to make deliberate, well-thought choices in the spirit of the Holt and Laury (2002) test for risk attitudes. For that purpose, I deviate from the MDG of Iriberri and Rey-Biel (2011) in two respects: First, I let dictators choose between two options (Option A: selfish, Option B: destroy or create) instead of three (Option A: selfish, Option B: create, Option C: destroy). Second, instead of presenting the individual tasks randomly, I classify them into four panels and sort them within every panel by the relative price of creating/destroying.
 
9
The term “consistent" refers to the General Axiom of Revealed Preferences (GARP). For further elaboration on GARP-consistency and on the type space, please see Appendix A.6.
 
10
Other moral goals are also possible in the MDG. Since the aim of this paper is not to advance another test of distributional preferences but to examine how moral awareness affects behaviour in situations with divergent moral goals, I concentrate on the categories that have been found to be empirically most relevant in similar environments. For a very comprehensive and systematic overview of distributional archetypes see Kerschbamer (2015).
 
11
Since the action space of the MDG is discrete, I interpret distance in the Cartesian sense. All results are robust to using Euclidean distance instead.
 
12
I deliberately do not incentivize the moral opinion questions. For a methodological discussion see Appendix A.7.
 
13
In fact, the idea of moral introspection can be traced back to Adam Smith’s, who called for strengthening one’s moral self by becoming “the impartial spectator of one’s own character and conduct” Smith (1790).
 
14
For a similar implementation of social information, see Engel et al. (2021)
 
15
I only consider the results of dictators whose choice behavior in the MDG was consistent with GARP. For the uninformed players, the percentage of consistent dictators is virtually identical (Probit regression, p=.73) in Baseline-u (79%) and Introspect-u (81%). Also for the informed players, the share of consistent dictators does not vary significantly (Probit regression, p=.472) across treatments: 88 in Baseline-i and 92 in Introspect-i. Including inconsistent dictators would require additional assumptions about the interpretation of dictators’ “errors”. For further explanation of GARP-consistency in the MDG, see Appendix A.6. For a similar procedure, see for instance Sutter et al. (2013).
 
16
For a similar procedure, see for instance Hamman et al. (2010). All reported results also hold if I do not pool the data but rather analyze separately for informed and uniformed dictators. But pooling increases the statistical power.
 
17
Remember that at this point, the players did not know whether they would be a dictator or a recipient in the subsequent MDG.
 
18
For the importance of surprisingness moderating the effect of social information, see Engel et al. (2021).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Moral awareness polarizes people’s fairness judgments
verfasst von
Michael Kurschilgen
Publikationsdatum
25.03.2023
Verlag
Springer Berlin Heidelberg
Erschienen in
Social Choice and Welfare / Ausgabe 2/2023
Print ISSN: 0176-1714
Elektronische ISSN: 1432-217X
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00355-023-01454-6

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