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Erschienen in: Constitutional Political Economy 1/2024

17.04.2023 | Original Paper

The profit system: how (and why) to deflect the radical critique

verfasst von: Gregory Robson

Erschienen in: Constitutional Political Economy | Ausgabe 1/2024

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Abstract

What we may call the Normative Representativeness Requirement (NRR) is a necessary condition on any successful objection to a political-economic system that is decentralized and profit-oriented. This article applies the NRR to what I call “The Radical Critique” of the profit system. I argue that this critique, which is not only historically important (as reported by Marx (Capital: a critique of political economy, C.H. Kerr and Company, Chicago, 1867)) but also continues to circulate (e.g., as reported by Cohen (Why not socialism?, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2009), as reported by Piketty (Capital in the twenty-first century, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 2014)), does not meet the NRR. The Radical Critique of diverse forms of the profit system (e.g., laissez-faire or a welfare-state) suffers from a fatal flaw that renders its logical force at best undiscernible.

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Fußnoten
1
I wish to thank audiences at the Society for Business Ethics (2021), The Association of Private Enterprise Education (2022), and The Philosophy, Politics, and Economics Society (2022). For helpful comments and discussion, I am grateful to Jacob Barrett, Jason Byas, Sam Director, Mario Juarez-Garcia, Connor Kianpour, James Otteson, Karina Robson, David Schmidtz, and Alex Tuckness.
 
2
See, e.g., Bhattacharjee (2011, 2017) on popular pessimism about profit-making.
 
3
On the shift from managerial capitalism to financial capitalism in the 1980s, see Davis (2009).
 
4
See Gaus (2009), Otteson (2014), and Thrasher and Halliday (2020: 1–6).
 
5
For earlier development, see Robson (2023). There I focus on moderate proposals and corporate governance; here, radical proposals and market exchange.
 
6
In my language, human brains are the most complex objects in the known universe. The human societies they heavily influence are the most complex entities.
 
7
There are related considerations, of course: for instance, how likely it is that firms would be more valuable and how high our confidence in such claims should be.
 
8
Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pressing me to elaborate on the specific importance of the NRR.
 
9
On the generation of consumer and producer surplus in win–win exchange, see Otteson (2019) and Robson (2021).
 
10
See also Child (1998) and Gaus (2009).
 
11
For replies, see Brennan (2013) and Brennan and Jaworski (2016).
 
12
Cohen’s enthusiastic support of proposals by Carens (1981) and Roemer (1994) to reform capitalism might seem to imply that he is a moderate critic. But the proposals he considers (2009: 63–76) are all fairly radical: for instance, taxing away and redistributing all profits from firms.
 
13
For instance, Brennan (2014: 57–69) argues that (i) Cohen illicitly compares the morality of ideal socialism to that of actual (nonideal) capitalism and (ii) misidentifies socialism, a system of control rights, with (mere) socialist values. I add that the intuitions Camping Trip elicits might be rather different if readers were asked to imagine sharing property for, say, ten years rather than ten days, better approximating traditional socialism.
 
14
As the profit system can have diverse effects on values and practices, “any normative evaluation of the role and scope of [markets] must attempt to take their cultural [and other] effects into account” (Bowles 1998: 105).
 
15
On recent wealth creation, see Clark (2007), McCloskey (2016), and Otteson (2019: 45).
 
16
See Clark (2007), McCloskey (2016), and Otteson (2019: 45).
 
17
Otteson (2019: 45) citing Clark (2007). The welfare gains from ordinary profitable exchange have been so considerable that some theorists have even argued that firms are morally required to maximize their profits. See, prominently, Jensen (2001: 8–21) and replies from Hussain (2012), Jones and Felps (2013), Van der Linden and Freeman (2017), Parmar et al. (2019), and Robson (2019).
 
18
For instance, “[t]he poorest 10 percent of those countries that most closely approximate Smithian [market-oriented] recommendations [e.g., Chile, Hong Kong, South Korea] are, in real terms, an order of magnitude more prosperous than the poorest 10 percent of those countries furthest away from Smith” (Otteson 2019: 117, italics mine). See also Smith (1776) and Robson (2021).
 
19
As Kevin Vallier (2021: 131) observes, “[f]ew today would dispute that a competitive marketplace, where firms are free to experiment with new methods of production that are then subject to the withering scrutiny of millions of consumers, is a kind of golden goose.”.
 
20
Common concerns about the profit system include, for instance, that it can block valuable traditional ways of life, jeopardize the psychological or spiritual health of market participants, yield problematic inequalities, and cause environmental damage.
 
21
Whether one has the external goods, says, Aristotle (2000), is partly a matter of luck. One can lose one’s wealth or health due to bad luck.
 
22
The proliferation of choice is not necessarily welfare-enhancing, however, even if it tends to be (Greenfield, 2011).
 
23
My argument does not imply that all reforms of the profit system are unjustified—many are, and in various respects. Moderate reforms and sometimes even radical reforms can be justified. If, however, the NRR is not met, there is a real risk that radical reform will be undertaken on the basis of a misguided moral assessment.
 
24
This, again, is not to say that certain versions of the system do not have problematic features. One can condemn deficient or excessive features of markets in various societies (e.g., gratuitous consumption) while not rejecting the market system itself. Sinnicks (2022) says that “for the most part, Aristotelian business ethicists [his focus] are not anti-market overall, just wary of its excesses.” This strikes me as reasonable depending on how “excesses” are understood and which social responses, if any, are recommended.
 
25
Notable arguments also suggest that the profit system helps to secure human goods such as political liberties (Friedman 1962; Sorkin 2020).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The profit system: how (and why) to deflect the radical critique
verfasst von
Gregory Robson
Publikationsdatum
17.04.2023
Verlag
Springer US
Erschienen in
Constitutional Political Economy / Ausgabe 1/2024
Print ISSN: 1043-4062
Elektronische ISSN: 1572-9966
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-023-09401-4

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