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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Transformation Crises and Adaptive Governance in China: A Historical Comparative Perspective

verfasst von : Xianglin Xu

Erschienen in: Social Transformation and State Governance in China

Verlag: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

China’s 30 years of reform and opening up have undergone significant social and economic transformations, and state governance has faced with a series of transformation crises. Scholars both at home and abroad have been divided over the nature of the transformation crises facing the nation as well as the potential consequences of such crises. The primary controversy lies in whether or not China’s current political system is trapped in a governance crisis.

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Fußnoten
1
See Waldron (1995), Finkelstein and Kivlehan (2003), Chang (2001), Pei (2006).
 
2
See Yang (2004), Laliberte and Lanteigne (2004), Peerenboom (2007), Ma (2009a).
 
3
Though the neo-institutional school has various branches, its main ideas can be summarized in two aspects. Firstly, the institution is of critical importance in transition, exerting influence on discipline, belief, behavior, and even the result; secondly, the institution is intrinsic, whose form and function is dependent on various conditions. As for the criticism of neo-institutionalism in the application of comparative politics, please refer to Przeworski (2004), Evans (2004).
 
4
The prevalent study approach of comparative politics in America was in the 1960s–1970s, which views political development as the linear transition from traditional political system to modern democratic politics; democratic politics, as the purpose, is an important indicator to gauge the modernity of politics. Meanwhile, it categorizes most of the countries in the world into different natures of political institutions and characteristics, and evaluates the degree of the development of democratic politics in various countries through setting up modern and democratic indicators (mainly taking Anglo-American democracy as the model). This thesis regards this empirical research approach as the “teleology” + “typology” analysis model.
 
5
Przeworski (2005), Kaufman (2008).
 
6
For example, the institutional transition of historical European countries, C.f. Wang (2003a).
 
7
Huntington (1968).
 
8
Easton (1979).
 
9
Ibid.
 
10
Fukuyama (2007).
 
11
Polanyi (2007).
 
12
Ibid.
 
13
Ibid.
 
14
Diner (2008).
 
15
Glad (1975), Hofstadter (1955), Stromquist (2006).
 
16
Stromquist (2006), p. 16.
 
17
C.f. Wang (2003b).
 
18
Bell (1962), Wallerstein (1995).
 
19
Touraine (1968), the quote from Tilly (2009).
 
20
Ibid., pp. 99, 101.
 
21
Crozier et al. (1976).
 
22
C.f. Pakulski (2007).
 
23
Przeworski and other people have conducted empirical analysis on the correlation between democratic politics and economic growth and concluded that the two were not necessarily related. C.f. Przeworski et al. (2000).
 
24
Wang (2004), Yang (2004).
 
25
See Review of Public Administration, which established a column on the study of Progressive Era of the United States in 2008 (2).
 
26
Wang (2008), Ma (2009b).
 
27
For the division of the first three stages, I enjoyed the great benefit of “The Great Transformation: China’s Post-1980s Double-movement” by Wang Shaoguang.
 
28
Ironically, while the local separation or protectionism policy adopted by local governments for the protection of local interests impeded or slowed the extension of national market scale, it also tempered by and large the possible damage that “the self-regulated market” may bring about to local economy and even the society, as argued by Polanyi. Of course, the counter-interaction by local government in administrative means to the market economy was only partial, sporadic and limited. Local protectionism is a “rational activity” on the micro level, as it to some extent helps build the reciprocal relations between the central and local levels. As for the cause, nature and negative impacts and solutions of local protectionism, please refer to Xu (2009), pp. 148–153.
 
29
There has been a great deal of literature in this respect both at home and abroad, e.g., Solinger (1999), Gries and Rosen (2004), Lu (2002), Sun (1990).
 
30
In the 30 years after the 1949 Revolution, China has essentially established a non-materialistic value system through a series of ideological reform movements. Since the reform and opening up, the establishment of market economy has allowed materialistic values to prevail.
 
31
Laliberte and Lanteigne (2004), p. 7; from Ma Jun’s point of view, China’s national reconstruction since the reform has been a “two-way movement”.
 
32
Zou Dang used the concept of “omnipotence” to generalize the form of state in China after 1949. He believed that the emergence of “omnipotent” countries was related to the overall crisis of the country and the nation, because in such a comprehensive crisis, political elites are more likely to reach a political consensus in the historical mission of saving the nation from extinction. See Zou (1994).
 
33
Geld (1997).
 
34
Foweraker (2007).
 
35
Huntington (1993), p. 3.
 
36
Zolo (2007), p. 432.
 
37
Huntington (1993).
 
38
See Leftwich (1997).
 
39
C.f. Zolo (2007), p. 432.
 
40
See Przeworski (1997).
 
41
C.f. Zolo (2007), p. 437.
 
42
Huntington (1991).
 
43
Even they are all “Western democratic systems”, there’re significant differences in the essence of the systems. For instance, American democratic theory and institution put more emphasis on the value of freedom while that in European country stressed the value of equality.
 
44
C.f. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume 2, p. 322 and Volume 3, p. 213. As for the relevant arguments and analysis over the political democratization by Deng Xiaoping, please refer to Cui and Sun (1997).
 
45
This reform strategy was put forward by Chen Yun at theWorking Conference of the CPC Central Committee on Dec. 16, 1980, which was approved by Deng Xiaoping and hence adopted as the long-term reform guideline. C.f. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume 2, p. 354.
 
46
C.f. Harding (1987).
 
47
Womack (1984).
 
48
Halpern (1989).
 
49
Xu (2004a).
 
50
Xu (2007).
 
51
Xu (2000, 2002, 2004b).
 
52
Kotz and Weir (2002).
 
53
For relevant studies and analysis, please find Xu (2009).
 
54
See Shen et al. (2009). The key researchers in this research centre has strong social investigation background with professional training from the University of Michigan and international cooperation experience as well; their sampling method, questionnaire design and analysis approach also used the cross-national comparison and survey experience of the university as a reference.
 
55
For relevant investigation and analysis, please find Almond and Verba eds. The Civic Culture Revisited: An Analytic Study, Boston: Little, Brown, 1980. In addition, David Easton also tried to explain the difference between the civilian support for the political system and for specific policies and leaders in 1975 when restating the concept of policy support. He divided the support zone into diffuse and specific. According to him, the diffuse type of support is general loyalty to the political system, largely unrelated to the performance and output of the political system in certain timing, but relatively enduring. On the other hand, the specific type of support depends on the recognition of individuals for the performance of the system in certain times, with no influence on the civilian general support for the political system. C.f. Easton (1975).
 
56
C.f. Tang (2005).
 
57
Przeworski, Democracy and the Market, p. 75.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Transformation Crises and Adaptive Governance in China: A Historical Comparative Perspective
verfasst von
Xianglin Xu
Copyright-Jahr
2020
Verlag
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4021-9_1

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