Regional Instability
Instability in the Pacific
region has been a factor contributing to increasing the numbers of women in policing. While the CEDAW does not refer directly to women’s security
needs during conflict and in post-conflict periods, according to the interpretation of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, the Convention is applicable in such contexts and its regulations should be respected. Consistent with this assessment, in 2013 the Committee adopted General Recommendation No. 30 on Women in Conflict Prevention, Conflict and Post-Conflict Situations, which specifies that:
Protecting women’s human rights
at all times, advancing substantive gender
equality before, during and after conflict and ensuring that women’s diverse experiences are fully integrated into all peacebuilding, peacemaking and construction processes are important objectives of the Convention. (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women,
2013, p. 2)
Among other gender
-related issues, this recommendation addressed such topics as women’s ‘participation’ in the peace process (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women,
2013, pp. 11–12), as well as their engagement in the security
sector throughout processes of ‘reform, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration’ (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women,
2013, pp. 18–19).
In contrast to the CEDAW, in 1995 the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (and later the Beijing + 5) explicitly included the effect of armed and other types of conflict on women and girls as one of twelve critical areas of concern (UN Entity for Gender Equality and Empowerment of Women,
2015a). Subsequently, the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325,
2000) on women, peace, and security
in 2000 drew attention to ‘the interdependence of post-conflict gender
equality, peacebuilding and security
’ (Bastick,
2008, p. 149). It highlighted ‘the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building’ and stressed ‘the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security
, and the need to increase their role in decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution’ (UNSCR 1325,
2000, p. 1). Since 2005, to ensure implementation at the national level, signatory states have begun to adopt National Action Plans that are intended to provide context for the expression of the resolution and translate its objectives into national and local realities (Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom,
2016). The adoption of UNSCR 1325 initiated a wave of gender
-focused security
sector reforms (PeaceWomen,
2020), which make up the UN’s broader women, peace, and security
agenda (PeaceWomen, n.d.), and stimulated the production of a range of resources
and toolkits.
Over recent decades, instability has been a feature of the Pacific
region. Some key events have led to the deployment of peacekeepers to Bougainville from 1998 to 2003, with peace brokered between PNG and Bougainville in 2001; the mobilisation of RAMSI
in 2003 to quell civil unrest linked to fighting between ethnic and regional groups in 2003; and the joint taskforce of troops and police
(from Australia
and New Zealand
) sent to Tonga
following serious rioting in the capital Nuku’alofa in 2006. These types of missions and deployments have left their mark on policing the region. While the nuanced nature of the legacy left by them is subject to debate, according to Huber and Karim (
2018) the presence of multidimensional peacekeeping
missions in a post-conflict country have had a positive and statistically significant effect, in that such states are 22% more likely to adopt a gender
balancing reform. This type of legacy is evident in the case of RAMSI
. Moreover, it is arguable the benefits of increasing the numbers of women in policing and building their capability (i.e., gender
balancing and mainstreaming in police
) were felt in PICs beyond Solomon Islands
.
RAMSI
was a police
-led mission that was supported as required by armed peacekeepers (see Chapter
5). Its key priorities were restoring law and order
, the integrity and the capacity of the RSIPF, and community confidence in national policing. The mission was in place for 14 years (2003–2017) and the Participating Police Force (PPF) included contingent members from 13 PICs: Cook Islands
, Fiji
, Kiribati
, the Republic of the Marshall Islands
, Nauru, Palau, PNG, Samoa
, Tong, Vanuatu
, Niue
, Tuvalu
, and the FSM
. The size of the contingent from across these nations fluctuated over time, with the number of officers from each country varying depending on the overall size of the PPF, the size of the country’s police
force, and the numbers that particular forces could release from domestic duties. The size of the police organisations
contributing to the Pacific Islands contingent ranged from PNG, with an estimated staff of more than 6800 in 2016, to Niue
, which had only 15. During the second half of RAMSI
, the largest numbers of contingent members were from Tonga
, Samoa
, PNG, and Vanuatu
. While most members were male, between 2010 and 2016, 16% were female (Putt et al.,
2018).
Initially RAMSI
did not have a specific focus on women, but in 2009, the importance of including women was identified as a cross-cutting issue in the partnership
framework between the Solomon Islands Government and RAMSI
, and a gender
advisor was appointed to provide advice across RAMSI
programs and counterpart government agencies. RAMSI
assisted the Solomon Islands Government to address gender
inequality through measures including legislative reform and the collection of gender
-based data
. The Women in Government Program implemented through RAMSI
focused on the removal of barriers to women’s participation and representation in government by advocating change to policies
, legislation, and employment terms and strengthening organisations that can foster women’s leadership development (AusAid,
2012; Australian Civil-Military Centre,
2012).
In their report that investigated the legacy of RAMSI
for policing in the Pacific
region, Putt and colleagues (
2018) described the experiences and views of Pacific Islands contingent members and assessed this multi-country police
-led mission. Particular attention was paid to the lessons that could be learned about the role of women officers in the PPF, and the prevention of community violence and violence against women. Research participants—including former RAMSI
leaders and current Pacific
police
commissioners—highlighted RAMSI’s
contribution to ‘enabling and supporting regional policing cooperation, including in community engagement, women’s empowerment and gender
awareness, and complex investigations’ and ‘increasing engagement and involvement in regional networks, for example ongoing contact through the [PICP WAN], and the Pacific
network of Transnational Crime Units’ (Putt et al.,
2018, p. 8).
Throughout the report there were many examples of the benefits of deployment through RAMSI
for women in the Pacific Islands contingent. In relation to the mission objective of rebuilding community confidence in police
, former Pacific Islands contingent members gave examples of where they had been able to take on leadership roles in community interactions and assist fellow RSIPF and PPF officers, usually as part of a small team based in police
outposts. The report uses the example of a female police officer from Tonga
(deployed in 2006–2007) to highlight the impact of female officers from PICs:
She was working in general duties in Honiara on night shift when she and others were called out to a domestic violence
incident. When they arrived, the women wouldn’t open the door and told them to go away. The female police
officer stepped forward and convinced her to open the door and work with them to solve the problem. The officer was of the view that the door would not have been opened if she had not intervened. Hearing from her voice that she was a woman and from another PIC, the female officer believed that the victim felt safe enough to let the rest of the police
into her home. (Interview #50; 2006–2007 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 43)
Putt and colleagues (
2018) describe RAMSI’s
impact on gender
equity, noting that most of the female members of the Pacific Islands contingent who were interviewed reported increases in their confidence, skills, and abilities as a result of their deployment to RAMSI
. This confidence was linked to the presence of positive female police
role models. For example:
A PNG policewoman attributed her increased confidence in large part to the Australian women police officers with which she worked. She admired and was inspired by their attitudes, confidence and professionalism, and claims to have become more proactive and assertive since her return home. (Interview #47; 2008–2009 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 51)
Prior to the intervention there were relatively few female police
officers in the RSIPF. Putt and colleagues (
2018) describe how this changed dramatically in the early recruiting rounds following RAMSI’s
arrival. Newly recruited Solomon Islands
policewomen needed role models, confidence building, and supportive networks—some of which was provided by RAMSI
. This was confirmed by women PPF members who reported that they helped female officers in the RSIPF during their deployment and in later years were able to provide ongoing support through the professional friendships that had developed. For example, one Fijian policewoman helped RSIPF women officers gain additional training on gender
-based violence in Fiji
at the Women’s Crisis Centre (Interview #31; 2009 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 51).
Not all participating female police
officers made the same assessment of gender
equity and opportunities within RAMSI
. These varied depending on comparisons with their home police force. Putt and colleagues (
2018) report that many Fijian and Tongan women police
officers perceived that their home force already had opportunities for women. In contrast, according to a Kiribati
woman
, there were few female officers in her home country. For her:
RAMSI
was challenging and new. We were treated the same as men; we did all the same work – arrests and patrolling. We often were paired up with men, and that was good; it was safer … Really enjoyed RAMSI
; it was like real policing, especially for the women. (Interview notes #93; 2004 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 52)
This reflected the sentiment expressed by women participants in Putt and colleagues’ (
2018) study that both they and their male counterparts had benefited from seeing women members of the PPF involved in training and policing duties that were typically done by men in their home countries.
The other key contribution of RAMSI
in relation to women was ‘[i]ncreasing the reach of regional networks: for example, ongoing contact through the PICP Women’s Advisory Network’ (Putt et al.,
2018, p. 65). Female RAMSI
deployees ‘were able to utilise the [PICP WAN] to stay in touch and support each other in professional development’ (Putt et al.,
2018, p. 61).
With the end of the RAMSI
deployment, the post-conflict context had an enduring impact on the development of policing policies
in the Solomon Islands
. The RSIPF Gender Strategy 2019–2021 (RSIPF,
2019) is explicitly framed in relation to UNSCR 1325 (
2000), and provides a structure for the operationalisation of RSIPF responsibilities under the Solomon Islands National Action Plan. The strategy notes that it addresses the National Action Plan, which has four high-level outcomes linked to the agreed pillars of the UN Women, Peace, and Security agenda. These are:
-
Women’s participation, representation and decision making in peace and security are expanded at all levels
-
Women’s human rights are protected, and women are secure from sexual and gender-based violence
-
Solomon Islands actively prevents conflict and violence against women and girls; and
-
Women and girls’ priorities and rights are reflected in development and peace building
. (RSIPF,
2019, p. 8)
Repeating the sentiments expressed by Bastick (
2008) and the
PICP Strategic Plan 2020–2024 (PICP,
2020), the RSIPF Gender Strategy explains that ‘[i]ncreasing and extending the role of women in the RSIPF can be expected to improve confidence, build trust and enhance the legitimacy
of police
within the Solomon Islands
’ (RSIPF,
2019, p. 9). The strategy states that ‘[w]omen often hold the position of neutrality within a conflict situation and there is evidence of women playing the important role of peace-keepers during and post-conflict in the Solomon Islands
’ (p. 9). This claim is further supported in the strategy as follows:
Indeed, Melanesian women have a long history of intervention in conflict to prevent violence through invoking customary norms and taboos specific to women, as well as traditional perceptions of women as ‘peacemakers’. Christian teachings – a pillar of shared Solomon Islands
cultural identity – also provide a number of examples of women as peacemakers during times of conflict, arguably bestowing further legitimacy
and acceptance of women’s involvement in peacemaking. (Brigg et al.
2015 as cited in RSIPF,
2019, p. 9)
These factors contribute to the message that female officers have strengths in communication and peacemaking skills that result in less use of excessive force, fewer complaints, and more de-escalation of violent confrontations (Lonsway et al.,
2002 as cited in RSIPF,
2019, p. 9). However, caution should be exercised in relation to the essentialising potential of these types of assessments. Mobekk (
2010) rightly criticises the essentialist tendency of perceiving women in the context of security
sector reform as peaceful and men as aggressive. Such oversimplification not only strengthens gender
stereotypes, but also overlooks changes in traditional gender
roles (such as those expressed by the female contingent member from Kiribati
, above) that happen during conflict. Further, it has the potential to promote the false assumption that women are better equipped to tackle security
issues that are traditionally identified with ‘women’s concerns’, such as domestic and family violence
and sexual violence
, as discussed in the following section. And finally, it can contribute to the construction of police
responses to such important and challenging problems as lesser than other policing activities. Adopting an approach of seeing women as ‘different from men’—‘[i]t is not about making everyone the same’ (RSIPF,
2019, p. 9)—as a means of bringing women into the formal security
sector as providers of additional ‘soft’ security
services can reproduce socially constructed gendered
differences, and consequently reinforce rather than dismantle or (at least) disrupt the traditional gendered
protector–protected dualisms (Kunz,
2014).
An alternative interpretation of these types of strategies is that in strongly patriarchal societies they can provide a ‘back door to equality’ (Natarajan,
2008), and this can be valid in those traditional cultural settings that call for a rigid separation of women and men in daily life. Growing evidence from research focused on women and policing in the global South
adds weight to this claim (see Bull et al.,
2021; Carrington et al.,
2019). Strategies that work through existing gender
relationships in these types of settings can provide a ‘foot in the door’ to change social and institutional views and expectations in relation to women in policing (see Bull et al.,
2021 on attitudes to women in policing in Tuvalu
). This is pertinent in the Pacific
region where, for example, the RSIPF Gender Strategy 2012–2021 acknowledges that ‘cultural and social traditions
may present some challenges for women’s participation in decision-making and leadership roles in the RSIPF’ (
2019, p. 9). In this context, the differences between the policing styles of male and female officers and the types of authority they can exercise are seen as a ‘great opportunity to use the traditional authority and respect afforded to women and elders to influence community tolerance of violence, especially which is perpetrated against women and children’ (RSIPF,
2019, p. 9).
Researchers have identified primary challenges to women’s engagement in security
sector reform as patriarchal culture
and entrenched gender
norms, economic and social barriers, and women’s potential participation being significantly curtailed by societal expectations and perceptions (Justino et al.,
2018). Erzurum and Eren (
2014), for example, point to the significance of pervasive gender
norms of the given post-conflict society as hindering women’s involvement in peacebuilding. A lack of status and the stereotypical perception of women as weak or vulnerable are sources of their systematic exclusion from decision-making processes, and this leads to women’s needs being overlooked.
In addition, researchers highlight specific inequalities that present impediments to active participation in security
sector reform by women. These include unequal access to education; social norms that enhance restrictive gender
roles; poverty and limited access to financial resources
; high levels of gender
-based violence; the double burden of women who are caregivers and work to generate income; and the rejection of women’s skills by national governments, international community, and women themselves as relevant in peacebuilding. Even though gender
equality norms are almost universally accepted at governmental levels (Kang et al.,
2018), these assessments highlight the risk of relying on various international, regional, and national plans alone as vehicles for change, and alert us to the challenges and complexities that are associated with working with or through traditional gender
roles and norms. The systems of particular institutions and organisations designed to operationalise these conventions, agreements, and plans often do not reflect the level of support needed, or they struggle to successfully translate them into practice; and the uneven implementation of the various standards and requirements results in their limited effectiveness (UNSCR 1325,
2000).
Experiences in Tonga
, as part of the security
sector reform process following the 2006 riots, for example, demonstrate the importance of committing to both organisational systems and monitoring to bring about change. The Tonga Police Development Programme (TPDP)—is a trilateral partnership
between the Governments of Tonga
, Australia
, and New Zealand
, implemented by Tonga Police, the AFP
and the New Zealand Police
in 2014. It aimed to reduce crime and increase public confidence in Tonga
Police through professional, legitimate, and accountable policing. A cross-cutting theme of the evaluation of the TPDP was the extent to which it had ‘appropriately addressed gender
and human rights
’ (Tennant & Bernklau,
2016, p. 13). It found that the TPDP worked towards improved gender
equality through increasing the participation by women in Tonga
Police and through the implementation and enforcement of laws that seek to reduce criminal offending against women, specifically domestic violence
, via the Tongan
Family Protection Act 2013. However, the TPDP did not include specific gender
equality outcomes or indicators, so improvements were difficult to measure. The evaluation identified some organisational shortfalls in relation to initiatives to improve gender
mainstreaming and equality, identifying the need for:
-
Targeted support to female officers in undertaking their duties through further training, including in areas that are non-administrative and are viewed as ‘core policing’ such as criminal investigations, responding to calls, general ‘active duty’ functions and forensics;
-
Further training – from a range of providers, including civil society, on key gender issues not limited to domestic violence. Understanding of gender equality principles through further training and exposure would benefit the entire police force, and should be integrated into a range of training opportunities[;]
-
Development and implementation of systems to monitor and report on the degree to which female officers are provided with the same opportunities and role responsibilities as male officers[;]
-
… ensuring that gender
equity is considered in all performance appraisals. (Tennant & Bernklau,
2016, pp. 8–9)
Gender-Based Violence
Initiatives to promote gender
equality have been augmented by conditions associated with regional instability that have seen international deployments, capability building, and security
sector reform, such as those associated with RAMSI
. These interventions have had positive outcomes for the inclusion of women and their role in policing across the region. The imperative to increase the number of women in policing is also associated with preventing and addressing the high rates of gender
violence across the region (see Chapter
3). In many of the international, regional, and national frameworks referred to above, the promotion of gender
equality is linked to the prevention of violence against women.
Survey
data
indicates that lifetime prevalence rates for physical and sexual violence
(by intimate partners and non-partners) among Pacific Island women are between 60% and 80%, which is twice the global average (UN Children’s Fund [UNICEF],
2017). Because the police
response to crimes of violence
against women is so critical, it is worth noting that in the global North
, female officers have long been viewed as more effective in this area than male officers (Chan et al.,
2010; Schulz,
1995). This is a perception shared by the community (Breci,
1997), police
training instructors, and female officers themselves (Beck,
2002; Martin et al.,
1986). It is also supported by research on the value of female police
officers in the context of international deployment. In peacekeeping
environments, shame and related experiences around sexual violence
mean that women are more comfortable reporting and seeking help from women (Bleckner,
2013; Mazurana,
2003; Pillay,
2006; Pruitt,
2013). Research reports that increasing the numbers of female police
in peacekeeping
and stabilisation missions has led to improved security
outcomes for women and children, and increased reporting of and reductions in violence against women and children (Furnari,
2014; Greener,
2009; Harris & Goldsmith,
2010; Van der Spuy,
2011).
Interviews with female members of the PPF (Putt et al.,
2018) on the legacy of the RAMSI
deployment provided evidence that this also was the case in Solomon Islands
. Many believed that their presence had helped with community policing
in general, and responses to domestic violence
incidents in particular. The women who were part of the RAMSI
contingent reported that they were able to contribute to the prevention of violence against women through community-based policing work ‘including police
visits to schools, churches and villages’ (Interview #39; 2012 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 52). A PNG female officer described how in her view ‘the women officers were better at communicating with local people than the men’ (Interview #47; 2008–2009 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 52). Several referred to the ‘calming’ effect their presence had. And a Tongan female officer noted how ‘important it was to have female officers at provincial outposts as most incidents reported to the police
involved domestic violence
, and female officers
were better placed to deal with women victims’ (Interview #50; 2006 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 52).
These views are consistent with community and police
perceptions of the role of women in policing in other Pacific
contexts. In Tuvalu
, participants in a study that explored attitudes towards increasing the number of women in policing expressed views that align closely with those reported by Putt and colleagues (
2018). Female police
officers were perceived as more likely to adopt a community-oriented style of policing, and it was suggested that they were more effective at handling domestic violence
incidents and crimes of violence against women (Bull et al.,
2021). In Bull and colleagues’ (
2021) study, support for increasing the number of women in policing was explained in terms of their ability to deal with women-related issues, including customary matters. For example:
[Women] understand the ladies’ problems due to our traditions
and cultures
… Sometimes when there is a lady found drunk and they send a police[man] but they are cousins or related and so [he] cannot do a thing because they are related ... [I]t is better for male officer to counsel male and for female to counsel female it would be better that way. (Bull et al.,
2021, p. 400)
Bull and colleagues (
2021) concluded that according to their participants, female officers could navigate gendered
social norms dictated by customary and religious authority, while still exercising the authority of the state to protect women, in ways male police
officers could not. This suggests that both community members and police officers who supported increasing the numbers of women in policing valued the contribution that female police
officers could make within the complex hybrid
regulatory environment that is typical in PICs.
The benefits for policing gender
-based violence that flow from including women in RAMSI
have been felt beyond Solomon Islands
. Female PPF members reported gaining experience in relation to gender
violence issues during their deployment and then translating this into their local environment when they returned home (Putt et al.,
2018). In recent years Family and Sexual Violence Units have been established in police stations
in various PICs—in some cases, with direct input from officers who gained practical skills while deployed with RAMSI
. In Kiribati
, a Family and Sexual Violence Unit was headed by a former female RAMSI
deployee, while Fiji
strengthened its Family Protection Unit and developed training and reform initiatives led by a former PPF member (Putt et al.,
2018). The transfer of skills and knowledge was not one-way (i.e., from Solomon Islands
to the home state). Complementing these examples, a PNG female officer who was deployed in the final phase of RAMSI
told how she was able to draw on her policing experience in PNG in training local police
and raising community awareness about the newly introduced Family Protection Act 2014 in the Solomon Islands
. Similar legislation had been introduced in PNG several years before. Having undertaken training in Fiji
on the creation and maintenance of a family-based violence database as part of a New Zealand
-run project, the police
officer helped implement the system in Solomon Islands
and later in PNG when she returned home (Interview notes #43; 2013–2015 as cited in Putt et al.,
2018, p. 53).
In other security
sector reform contexts in the Pacific
region, instability has stimulated capability building targeting the prevention of violence against women. The 2014 TPDP supported the rollout of the Tongan Family Protection Act 2013 training package, which was designed by a joint agency team involving Tonga
Police
, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Information, as well as Tongan Crisis Centres and advocacy groups. The training package was delivered to 161 police
officers—27 women and 134 men—across all police
districts. However, security
sector reform is not always smoothly integrated into everyday policing practice. Tennant and Bernklau (
2016) explained that while most officers participating in the evaluation of the TPDP stated that they had received training and understood the new Family Protection Act, a small number expressed the view that the police
should not interfere in domestic affairs and that the new law ‘is bad’ and against Tongan culture
. The authors acknowledged that these beliefs may be more widely held among police
; nevertheless, they were encouraged that only a few were prepared to openly express them. Research with police
officers and community members in Tuvalu
found explicit support for police
involvement in domestic violence
matters from both groups, even though such involvement was a relatively new development (Howes et al.,
2021).
A final and important consideration in relation to the value of female police
officers in responding to cases of domestic violence
is the high rate of such violence committed by police officers themselves. Particularly high rates of domestic violence
have been documented in police
families in the global North
(Neidig et al.,
1992). In the global South
, research conducted by ethnographers working within the PNG constabulary argued that members of this force were highly likely to be perpetrators of gender
violence in their own conjugal relationships (McLeod & Macintyre,
2010). Further, they were frequently accused of perpetrating violence against women in the course of their professional duties, or when women approached them for protection from other sources of violence (Chandler,
2014; McLeod & Macintyre,
2010). It is short sighted to discuss the police
response to violence against women without addressing the possibility that responding officers have committed these crimes themselves. Violence against women is much more likely to be committed by men than women, so increasing the number of female law enforcement professionals has the potential for lessening the chance that crimes of violence against women will be handled by an officer who has perpetrated such a crime (Tjaden & Thoennes,
1999).
Complexities arise not only due to competing forms of authority—state,
kastom and religion
—in PICs, but also because of gender
norms in these contexts. Research has described how women officers may emulate the masculine gender norms that pervade police
agencies generally, and thus they may police
gender
violence
cases in ways no different to their male colleagues (Parsons & Jesilow,
2001). This suggests that in Pacific Island contexts, despite progress to date, existing gender
norms—both within policing organisations and across society more broadly—can act as a barrier to increasing the numbers of women in policing. Moreover, such gender
norms can limit the expected positive impact of increased numbers of women in policing on the reporting, prevention and reduction of violence against women and children.