Research context: Third-wave specialist coffee in the UK
A six-year ethnographic study was conducted to address our research question. The research site is a globally recognized category innovator based in the United Kingdom, anonymized as “Specialty Co.” An ethnographic design was deemed appropriate, as the aim was to capture in situ the practices enacted by both frontline staff and customers to co-create novel consumer journeys, and the means by which a sensemaking process occurred through interactions between both parties (Hamilton & Price,
2019). The UK is a relevant context for such inquiry as, according to the British Coffee Association (
n.d.), almost 16 per cent of the UK population visit a coffee shop at least once a day. In addition, changes in the UK coffee sector reflect the introduction of novel practices by craft specialists in the form of a more education-driven approach (Dolbec et al.,
2022).
According to Manzo (
2010, p. 143), the “first wave” of coffee consumption took place from the 1950s to the early 1990s and was typified by the consumption of instant and mass-drip coffee, while the “second wave” was characterized by the emergence and popularity of branded chains such as Starbucks (USA), and Costa and Café Nero (UK). The “third wave” began in the 2000s and was driven by small independent stores or minichains, which celebrated the diversity of flavor arising from single-origin coffees and sought to expand the range of experiences possible within the category (Dolbec et al.,
2022). Second-wave brands offer a mass-appeal, customer-driven experience using a standard set of practices. They use an in-house blend to ensure consistency (i.e., predictability), offer a wide range of coffee styles (e.g., espresso, Americano, flat white) brewed to meet customers’ preferences, and often complement the beverage offering with café-styled food, encouraging longer stays as part of a “third place” (i.e., a social space outside of home and work) strategy. In contrast, third-wave specialists take a product-centered strategy: they tend to reject blends in favor of seasonally available single-origin coffees, restrict the ways in which certain coffees can be produced (usually only serving filter coffee with no additions), reject so-called “impure” products such as mochaccino (coffee with chocolate added) and Americano (espresso diluted with hot water), and use an expert-driven model to counter customer preferences for hotter drinks, milk, sugar, and other flavorings. Third-wave producers also place greater emphasis on coffee appreciation, often limiting the range of food available and rejecting the third-place model through policies, such as bans on laptop use or seating arrangements that work against large groups, that discourage lengthy stays.
Although Specialty Co. aligns with the “craft specialist” approach to coffee identified by Dolbec et al. (
2022), the founders desired to expand coffee appreciation beyond a small segment of connoisseurs. Specialty Co. was founded in December 2009 by owners David and Paige, both of whom had previous barista experience, in a mid-sized UK city with a high proportion of middle to upper-middle-class residents. At the time of Specialty Co.’s establishment, the city was dominated by large second wave chains and had just one independent store. Specialty Co.’s store concept was particularly unusual at the time because it placed primary emphasis on the unique qualities of each coffee’s
terroir (a concept which holds that taste or flavor of a product is characteristic of the unique combination of the geography, climate, growing and processing practices from which it was derived). The initial store could accommodate around 10 customers and had only three staff, including the owners. After a year, David and Paige moved to larger premises with space for 50 customers and employed a team of 10 staff.
Data collection
Data were collected in three phases as part of a longitudinal research design. Initial exposure to the site occurred when the lead author first encountered Specialty Co. in 2010, soon after it had opened. During an initial eight-month period, the lead author became acquainted with the owners and regulars, spending an average of two hours per day in store (during the busy 8 − 10am period). The theoretical focus on the co-creation of shared meaning emerged at that time, following observation of a shift by the owners from replicating existing independent store scripts to focusing on educating customers on how each individual coffee could be best experienced.
The second phase of the research involved a more formal two-and-a-half-year ethnography within the store. During this time, the lead author spent on average 15 h a week in the store, including peak hours, seated near the ordering area to observe service encounters. The researcher kept field notes, engaged with customers and service staff, and fully participated in the service system as a “regular” of the café. During this period, ethnographic inquiry extended to visits of other regions’ specialty coffee shops and industry immersion (e.g., reading specialty literature and blogs and taking coffee tasting and preparation courses).
The final phase involved less immersion over a two-year period (albeit still five times a week), twice-weekly observations in a second store opened by the owners that extended the script into a coffee/craft beer concept and conducting a more formal set of interviews with former and current staff (n = 8), customers (n = 21), and both owners (n = 2) (see Web Appendix A). Throughout the latter two phases, the authors conducted regular member checks of emerging insights and themes. Finally, reviews on Tripadvisor (the dominant review platform during data collection) were analyzed to provide further insights.
Semi-structured interviews were on average one-hour long, with some extending to over three hours. Interviews with the owners focused on the evolving concept of the store, key challenges, and staff management. Interviews with staff focused on prior work experience, induction into Specialty Co.’s business and ethos, critical customer incidents, and reflections on practice. Particular attention was devoted to a shift in the staff’s core role from making the coffee to taking orders. When staff were tasked with making coffee, they had almost no customer interaction; when they took on the role of the server responsible for taking orders, they played the vital role in communicating Specialty Co.’s approach to consumers. This shift was so important that failure to effectively embrace this customer-facing role resulted in dismissal. Interviews with customers focused on prior expectations of service encounters at coffee shops, their experience at Specialty Co., and their post-exposure expectations in terms of coffee service encounters more generally. Informants were all regulars. Interviewing those who rejected the store’s approach was more difficult as many were transient (i.e., day tourists), or did not make their feelings known during their encounter, although many were reflected in Tripadvisor reviews. In addition, some in situ conversations with locals who were not positively disposed towards Specialty Co. were recorded in field notes.
Data analysis
Transcripts total 403 pages, supplemented by over 220 pages of observational notes including those taken during ethnographic interviews. All authors were familiar with the general empirical context and relevant academic literatures and worked collaboratively to analyze the data consistent with the principles of grounded theory such as iterative coding, memo writing, constant comparison, tacking back and forth between the literature, relating emerging theory and data, and a desire for theoretical saturation (Otnes et al.,
2012). Particular attention was paid to the use and changes in ritualistic language, emotionally charged interactions between customers and service staff, and the owners. Revisions to the desired service journey were observed during regular debrief sessions among the owner, senior staff, and the serving team. Interpretations were subjected to member checks with key informants, and initial coding by the lead author was discussed and validated by the other authors through discussion.
To triangulate initial findings, Tripadvisor reviews were examined as a source of additional information regarding consumers’ experience of Specialty Co. At the time of writing, Specialty Co. had 668 reviews, a Tripadvisor “Certificate of Excellence” and was ranked first for coffee in its locale. After removing a small number of non-English language reviews, two reviews about the store training courses and two reviews of the other shop of Specialty Co.’s owners, a total of 647 reviews were coded by the authors, using iterative comparison and discussion to validate categorization. Of the 647 reviews examined, 107 consisted of short reviews that did not include any references to the sensemaking constructs of interest (of these, 99 were generic positive reviews indicating the reviewer’s enjoyment of the visit, five were neutral in tone or suggested a mixed opinion on the shop’s offerings, and three described a negative experience at a specific visit, such as the reviewer’s seat being taken by another customer). We coded these as “generic reviews” and subjected them to no further analysis, focusing instead on the remaining 540 reviews (504 positive, 28 neutral/mixed and eight negative). Drawing on the sensemaking literature, we paid particular attention to descriptions of uncertainty or discomfort, unexpected experiences, attitudes regarding change, the role of service environment cues, the actions of both staff and customers, beliefs the reviewer appeared to have about the café’s target customers, and its market positioning. The final coding scheme is reported in Web Appendix B, with supportive passages provided in Web Appendix C.
Designing the journey: Auditing and realignment
Initially, David and Paige were struck by the potential for coffee to have a unique terroir. In his first interview, David described his first experience of specialty coffee as laced with skepticism before being “completely blown away” and immediately seeing that “coffee as a richly diverse product could represent an interesting idea people could engage with.” Interestingly, the staff with prior experience of the category working for second-wave chains became instant converts to the emphasis on single origin coffee, believing the product would speak for itself, in terms of both consumer experience and consumers valuing diversity and provenance (in contrast, staff with no prior experience in coffee had a slightly easier path to realizing the need for education).
This product-centric belief saw David and Paige design their initial store like standard independent cafés, using signifiers of origin such as burlap sacks of coffee beans as wall displays and a menu framed by styles of coffee production (espresso, flat white, Americano etc.). Furthermore, the service model was originally embedded in the second-wave coffee-chain service script with a focus on giving customers what they wanted in terms of product range, additions of milk and sugar, and honoring requests for “extra hot” drinks. The sole difference was that consumers could choose from a regular house blend and two single-origin coffees that were changed weekly, all of which were described on a board in terms of flavor notes.
While this approach created a small group of converts, the feedback the owners received from customers was inconsistent with their own expectations for their offering:
Paige: The filters with milks, the espressos with sugar, people would return them all the time. Then we tasted them, and we were like, ‘this is awful.’ It occurred to us that this isn’t even close to representative of this kind of [specialty] coffee because [for] all the flat whites we were making, all the espresso shots and black filters, you would get ‘that was great, thank you so much.’ But for all those non-pure styles of drinks, we could see a huge problem and we would have to do something radical.
Paige’s recounting of the dissonance she experienced after the consumer feedback points to the kind of reflexivity that can trigger and enable responsive action, setting the foundation for educational consumer journeys to take place.
Customers, experiencing inconsistencies between Specialty Co.’s espoused desires and actual practices, provided input into David and Paige’s own meaning-making practices (in this case, how to signal the need for customers’ schema accommodation). In this cycle of sensebreaking, sensegiving, and sensemaking, a servicescape that would enable further journey co-creation emerged through two practices:
auditing and
realignment (see Table
1). The servicescape was designed to trigger a journey through touchpoints that signaled the need for schema accommodation (i.e., in response to sensebreaking) and then provided customers with cues that enabled them to make sense of and derive value from the journey (i.e., through processes of sensegiving and sensemaking) (see Web Appendix B). Although the core elements of servicescape design were developed during the first six months of operation, changes evolved over time, reflecting both indirect and direct customer input (since data collection finished, Specialty Co.’s practices have been normalized in other third-wave operations).
The customer confusion described by Paige, reflective of disruptive ambiguity (Weick et al.,
2005), triggered an accommodation process, whereby the owners sought to understand the nature of the problem and craft an atypical category schema (Sujan & Bettman,
1989) that would trigger the sensebreaking and sensegiving necessary for further journey co-creation. This involved an audit of practices, material objects and staff roles to identify those that were (in)consistent with Specialty Co.’s strategic intent. In the small shop, initial changes focused on removing many mainstays of second wave coffee shops: coffee prepared from a blend of different beans, sugar (which Paige described as “like taking candy off a baby literally, just outrage”), and drinks such as Americano, mochaccino, and hot chocolate. These removals were done to disrupt expectations and signal the need for schema accommodation, which, as Sujan and Bettman (
1989, p. 455) explain, occurs “when a new mental schema is created, or the present schema undergoes substantial modification to interpret a new concept.” The result ranged from customers simply being confused to some being angry, yet each deletion was deliberately designed to stimulate further inquiry. In David’s words, the aim was to “move away from a comfort product; the person has to be interested in exploration.”
To be productive, sensebreaking must be followed by sensegiving (Maitlis & Christianson,
2014). Thus, the disruptive shifts also required servers to engage in co-creation with customers, not only by explaining the reasoning behind disrupting expectations (see David’s passage in Table
1), but also rethinking their own role identities. For example:
David: When you walk into the shop, it doesn’t look like a coffee shop. The menu with espresso, flat white, cappuccino was replaced with [information on] the coffee’s provenance and some flavor notes. … You have a menu that doesn’t really make sense, so you’ve broken expectation now. But what you need to do is fill it, because otherwise the customer is just uncomfortable. So, then it becomes about hosting. We realized that we had to have full time staff only who would develop a lot of knowledge, and we wanted them to not be servers, but to be hosts and there’s a significant difference: a server waits to be told by the customer what they’d like, a host does a very different job.
David’s passage reflects not only his desire to signal the need for schema accommodation to customers through touchpoint design choices (such as the menu board that describes flavor notes, see Web Appendix E), but also the use of that design to trigger a new consumer journey. Tripadvisor passages confirm that sensebreaking did occur, with numerous references to the ways in which the store’s design—including the non-category-related name, lack of food, and aesthetic sparseness—suggested the unexpected in relation to the usual café schema (Web Appendix B, “Sensebreaking triggers”). Interviews and observations of customers slowing down (see Francis’ passage in Table
1), doing mental double takes, showing signs of confusion and/or looking for familiar cues suggests the atmospheric design had its intended effect. Changes in atmospherics undermined customer expectations of category norms, which created a sense of being unsettled, and often resulted in expressions of uncertainty or confusion (Web Appendix B, “Sensebreaking consequences”). However, as well as serving to destabilize, they also signaled to customers the need for schema accommodation and eventual role shift (to student).
David and Paige’s process reflects an iterative approach to sensemaking that is co-creative (Weick et al.,
2005). In redesigning the servicescape, they made sense of initial customer disappointment by realizing that adhering to typical sector schema made sensemaking of their new practices difficult for customers. Instead, a servicescape that signaled to customers the necessity of schema accommodation or modification (Sujan & Bettman,
1989) was needed. The auditing and realignment practices resulted in the owners removing design elements that were not conducive to sensebreaking and sensegiving. Over time, these cues would continually be adjusted in line with shifts in customer input and the normalization of third-wave practices as a new model of service within the category. However, while the servicescape aspects of the journey represented a critical basis for shaping server and customer interactions, further reflexivity by both parties was necessary for consumer journeys to begin in earnest.
Activating the journey: Marrying competing logics and negotiating scripts
Once manifestations of existing schema—such as menus featuring abundant beverage and food options, sugar, milk, and other signals of customers’ authority in determining the design of their service experience—were re-aligned, staff members and customers had to embody new, appropriate role identities for their revised journeys to begin. This required the co-creation of a shared mental model that would enable staff and customers to enter a mutually beneficial journey. For both customers and staff, two practices were initiated:
marrying competing logics and
negotiating scripts. Marrying competing logics enabled servers to embody the shift from “server” to what we label as “educator” in Fig.
1 (see Maude and Donny’s passages in Table
1). The same practice saw customers give up some sovereignty and enter what we call the “student” role that was necessary for a satisfying journey to begin (Fig.
1). We evidence the shift in roles further with quotes from the Tripadvisor reviews (and Hannah and Glen’s passages below) that contained advice to other customers on the need to adopt a repertoire of new roles, including “learners” and “nascent connoisseurs,” while also framing baristas as “experts” and “teachers” (Web Appendix B, “New role expectations”). The second practice, script negotiation, flowed from and reinforced these new roles. Servers needed to move beyond mere knowledge provision and focus on sensegiving. Getting this right led customers to (1) engage in script negotiation through the provision of preferences and (2) be receptive to shifts in power relations.
Brandt: I was expecting to slip into [the role] easily because I thought I know about the product. I’ve watched people learn how to serve here but it’s just not like that at all … The biggest obstacle was talking to people and not being scared of what was happening. I wasn’t comfortable being confident and taking control. David wants someone who takes control of an easy transaction to, in the case of businessmen who challenge the philosophy but don’t listen, someone who can dominate and make them walk away having listened to you. That requires a character trait that you develop or you put on. It’s like acting.
Brandt’s description of the process as a form of acting captures the range of skills needed to engage with and attempt to educate customers with varying levels of interest and receptivity. Hannah’s passage in Table
1 illustrates the similar need for customers to act differently to enable co-creation with servers to happen. Moreover, Brandt’s passage reveals the genuine struggles many servers experienced in their shift to the educator role, in which they needed to diagnose customers’ sensemaking problems, interpret core cues to engage in sensegiving, and do so on a customer-by-customer basis. In the case of the disinterested customer, the challenge became how to align their preferences with what Specialty Co. could deliver. When customers were more open to the new approach, greater degrees of co-creation were possible. Thus, for servers, the educational process highlights the complexity of managing a multivocal process where schema accommodation entailed embodying a mix of expertise, control, authority and professionalism to trigger journeys that offered consumers’ desired levels of stickiness. That is, some journeys developed from sticky to smooth as the consumer made sense of the educational offer but desired to deploy that knowledge to choose a coffee best aligned to their existing preferences. Other journeys constantly oscillated between smooth and sticky as more consumers progressively sought deeper levels of engagement with the category including continually challenging their own preferences. Accordingly, regardless of the type of client and journey required, Brandt learned to engage in a role suggestive of authority and expertise tempered with respect, rather than subservience to customer expectations.
To ease them into the educational role, probationary staff began by covering early morning shifts (8–10 am), because that usually meant attending to regular customers who were familiar with Specialty Co.’s approach. As they progressed in their own learning about the shop’s service concept, staff then proceeded to managing customer encounters at the till during the busy 10–11am period, which involved groups of tourists or others less familiar with Specialty Co.’s approach. During this time, probationers were monitored by experienced staff and allowed to make mistakes (unless they were struggling in a very difficult encounter). Each encounter was followed by an in situ debrief in the form of experienced staff asking questions that trigger reflexivity, such as “how do you think that went?”, “could it have been different, better?” and “what could you have done to make it more effective for the customer?” For example (ethnographic note 3/7/2014), when a probationary member of staff (Donny) acquiesced to a customer’s demands for the sugar dispenser, David was quick to gently reprimand him: “Don’t let customers just have sugar without first reminding them that the coffees are extra sweet, and they should first try it before they add anything.” This kind of coaching introduced an intensity into the service role that resembled an apprenticeship process whereby aspiring craftspeople are molded into skilled artisans (Campbell,
2005).
Interestingly, those with prior coffee service expertise could also struggle to make the necessary transition to the role of consumer educator. An exemplar is found in Geoffrey, who was so enamored with the Specialty Co. concept that he struggled to understand why customers would not be open to a more expansive view of coffee. His self-described tendency of “giving up on customers” not only earned the ire of David and Paige, but was also experienced by customers as pretentiousness, with the shop’s script viewed as an unnecessary “lecture” (the opposite of sensegiving through “passion without pretense,” see Web Appendix B). Geoffrey, who eventually became a beloved shop manager (and later opened his own third-wave coffee store), described his transformation towards embodying the customer educator role:
[Interviewer: Can you describe those difficulties?] Geoffrey: The fact that people hadn’t really thought about coffee in a specialist way meant that people would ask why it would taste different with the milk. I’d be like, ‘because there’s milk in it.’ There’s a nicer way to put it. I had come here to seek experience, and people who hadn’t done that I didn’t really appreciate, I didn’t really want them here. I was sort of appalled at their ignorance… Something like sugar in an espresso, something people have had for years with Italian coffees, it’s difficult to say that we recommend our coffees without sugar. Immediately in the customer’s mind they think ‘Oh, pretentious wanker,’ when the reality of the message is more nuanced, that the sugar makes the coffees taste acidic and sharp.
Geoffrey’s passage reflects a common experience among servers in businesses that have adopted more of an artisanal approach to well-established categories (Ocejo,
2017), insofar as they expect customers to defer to their expertise and be intrinsically interested in exploring new experiences within a familiar domain. Like Brandt, Geoffrey needed to embody an educational role, but in his case, doing so was more about being empathetic—in his words, “fair”—to customers, neither pandering to their preferences nor seeing them as uncultured, disinterested parties undeserving of further engagement. Marrying competing logics enabled servers to engage in the second practice of negotiating scripts, which was central to co-creating educational consumer journeys. However, for that to work, customers also had to embody an educational role, that of the “student”, through marrying competing logics.
Glen: I had to relearn how to understand what they were selling, and then after I kind of embraced the idea of something a little bit more technical, because I can appreciate technical sides of things. … People usually will use the words like, “I had a good coffee,” “I had a bad coffee” and typically attribute that to either the machine or the guy behind the machine and not anything more than that. So, I thought I knew something, but I didn’t really. In [my hometown] I could identify naïvely what was and was not a good coffee, but the definition of good was not well defined because I had no idea what I was looking for.
Glen’s passage describes how sensebreaking involves the realization that there are discrepancies between a current situation and one’s previous worldview. In comparison, sensemaking involves knitting cues together to form a coherent schema (Bingham & Kahl,
2013). For example, regular customer Richard describes his embrace of the student role at Specialty Co. by comparing his experience to a friend’s:
Richard: A great friend of mine, he always drinks espresso, and he likes it hot. The first time he went to [Specialty Co.] he had to send it back because it wasn’t hot enough and they were very begrudging about it. He can’t see why I’d want to go to that place. For me, I haven’t asked for anything in particular because I’m interested in their advice because I recognize they’ve got a certain expertise that I haven’t.
Tripadvisor reviews contained numerous references to role orientations to help other customers make sense of Specialty Co.’s approach and avoid the situation that Richard’s friend found himself in. These included advising visitors to “be prepared,” “understand what you are getting into” and metaphors suggestive of different roles and journeys, referring to Specialty Co. as a “cathedral” or “mecca” of coffee, and parallels with similar classes of products such as wine and tea. Finally, the store’s coffee was often described as “real” and “proper,” and production practices were referred to as “intelligent,” a “new way,” a “science experiment,” or “the creation of artists” (Web Appendix B, “New mental models”).
Having experienced sensebreaking through atmospheric cues, we find that customer responses fell into three types:
passive participation (displays of lack of interest or impatience, such as interrupting servers in mid-explanation to ask that a coffee be chosen for them),
rejection (angry outbursts invoking their sovereignty in the form of a command such as “just make me a coffee”), and
intrigued participation (displays of eagerness in participating in the service encounter, such as listening carefully to the server, explaining preferences, and recounting previous experience in the category) (cf. Dong & Sivakumar,
2017). Servers were trained to respond to each, with sensegiving via script negotiation most relevant for the third (the first two were dealt with in a more forceful way, with servers often stating, “I would recommend this coffee for you, OK?”). Just as servers had to learn to become more reflexive about their responses and be ready to become an “educator,” script negotiation resulted in a shift for the customers too, requiring them to embody a new role identity—that of the student—and participate more actively to co-create the journey.
In summary, marrying competing logics involved an interplay between sensegiving and sensemaking. While servers sought ways to blend an expert-centric logic with one that ensured customers would embark upon an education-oriented journey, customers had to take a somewhat subservient position to re-learn about coffee. This shift in customer practices and roles was also aided by the script negotiation practices initiated by servers. Through these practices, servers could identify the appropriate sensegiving mechanisms that would empower consumers to embrace the journey that had been devised for them.
(8/6/2012): Paige welcomes customers and asks, “Is this your first time in the store?” Since it is, Paige explains how Specialty Co. is different from other shops, preferring to focus on the unique flavor of individual coffee lots that change with seasonal availability. She then runs through the categories and offerings on the board, looking at the customer the entire time. The script takes no more than 30 seconds to go through but does not feel rushed. At that point, customers begin to engage, often providing cues in the form of preferred blends or styles, preferred brands, or other cues that are then used by Paige.
However, servers were also trained on how to adapt the script through what Paige refers to as “degrees of dilution.” Paige, who often provided service training to the novice staff, describes how even the most experienced baristas struggled with this practice:
Paige: The first thing you’ve got to get into staff’s heads is what we do and why, so that they can, in varying degrees of dilution, pass it on. It’s the varying degrees of dilution that’s difficult because we’re training people to be savvy, to watch the person in front of them. What did they say? How did they ask for their drink? What’s their demeanor? In one sentence you can glean so much information and that’s where you step forward. That’s why it’s tough on till and it’s [why] I’ve had staff members that couldn’t be more onboard with it [the product concept], but just can’t deliver.
Whereas previous research suggests that sensegiving is primarily top-down or unidirectional (Press & Arnould,
2011), passages such as Paige’s above reveal a more adaptive process consistent with mainstream pedagogical philosophies. Furthermore, we note recent clarifications that co-creation is not the same as co-production and therefore does not always require active participation by all involved (Vargo & Lusch,
2016, p. 8). Just as many teachers embrace the concept of “child-centered education” but would be wary of allowing students to determine the curriculum, staff at Specialty Co. want new customers to have a positive experience, but do not assume that the customers themselves are best positioned to determine how they should drink their coffee. Donny’s comment in Web Appendix D (“Triggers”) echoes a common parental strategy to distract children as a means of coaxing them into a new behavior.
As Paige recounts, while customers were making sense of the new servicescape, staff were gathering clues related to the customers’ experience and expectations. Whereas novice and unsuccessful servers simply stuck with the basic training script which outlined Specialty Co.’s point of difference, more successful servers used the service script as a starting point and adapted it for each customer they dealt with (see passages from Donny and Brandt, Table
1). To do so, they attempted to “read” the customer and build a connection between the store’s concept and shared frames that could co-create a new schema (Moreau et al.,
2001). In so doing, servers and customers reached “understandings that are close enough … in ways that allow coordinated action” (Maitlis & Christianson,
2014, pp. 66–67).
Although servers strived to bring the owners’ concept and attendant service ideals to fruition, they found that, to produce a successful outcome, education had to be anchored to a customer-held frame to enable what Rosa and Spanjol (
2005, p. 201) call “analogical transference,” which is “the borrowing of structure and meaning from source domains of experience to assist in the interpretation of novel information.” One cue was country of origin, with servers often picking up on an antipodean accent or reference that inspired them to adapt the script to relate Specialty Co.‘s coffee to the types served in Australia. Other cues included reference to a preferred roast (e.g., dark, French or Italian) or preparation style, allowing the server to quickly suggest comparative options. For example, Vladimir would often anchor his conversation in a stronger-to-lighter continuum as he described the order of the coffees on the menu. Brandt, who found figuring out how to connect to customers “exhilarating,” “challenging” and “intellectually engaging,” would experiment with new ways to explain the café’s ideology. For example, drawing on previous experience in wine service, he would use the concept of
terroir as a metaphor to explain the significance of “single origin” coffees. Others employed more everyday analogies: Geoffrey’s favorite was that of cake mix. He would explain that just as changing ingredients and processes when making a cake would change the flavor, so was it with coffee. These script adaptations functioned as simple sensegiving devices and enabled co-creation to occur, as consumers were offered a personally relevant starting point to a journey.
Despite some initial skepticism, a common observation was that consumers gave servers the benefit of the doubt, and subsequently expressed surprise at how their experience with the coffee had conformed with the server’s prediction. Tentatively, these more open customers would begin to increase their engagement with servers, providing insights into their changing preferences, and affirming that sensemaking had occurred by, for example, remarking that specialty coffee offered parallels to wine or tea. It was not unusual for previously uncertain consumers to thank servers as they exited the café and acknowledge that they were “won over.” Importantly, roles and scripts were dynamic, even for more experienced regulars. The ethnographic note in Table
1 contains one such example, in which David was introducing further stickiness into the journeys of regulars by asking them to reconsider Brazilian coffee. Brazilian coffee is typically regarded as the preferred industry standard and thus suffers from a kind of reverse snobbery (e.g., emically referred to with derision as “trad”) from more experienced customers who had transitioned to what they saw as more nuanced and complex flavors. To get regulars to rethink these default preferences, David would counter reluctance with a stern facial expression or a gentle prompt such as “no, c’mon” that would signal his educator status and the need for a customer to return to student mode.
As the journey took shape and began to extend, we also saw more engaged customers seek out stickiness by adopting a stance that represents a role identity high on skill orientation (Martineau & Arsel,
2017) by appraising the extent of their knowledge. This was reflected in the commonly observed practice of asking servers not to tell them which coffee they were being served. For example:
Mel: I have an Excel sheet [laughs]. The rule for myself is that I’m going to taste [the coffee] first. So, I would tell David, ‘Don’t tell me what it is, I’m going to taste it.’ After I taste it, I write it down, and then I’ll go back to see the flavor notes that they suggest and where it is from. The idea is that I want to see over time whether I can taste the provenance. I think at the end of the one year I tasted 98 estates and 20 countries.
This passage illustrates Mel’s desire to find out what she may not know; she voluntarily participates (Dong & Sivakumar,
2017) in the role of learner and creates a game that tests her skill and then engages with servers to suggest changes in taste descriptors. A sign of further journey stickiness was customers’ use of technical, “in-group” terms when speaking with servers (and signaling to like-minded other customers), such as “dialing in” (baristas’ code for setting the daily recipe in terms of grind, weight, and water, for each roast); “potato characteristics” (an undesired flaw common in the otherwise sought-after Rwandan coffee) or when discussing David’s most recent blog posts. It was not uncommon for loyalists to extend their educational journey further, either by seeking out like-minded cafés elsewhere when travelling or by bringing their knowledge into their own home, triggering further engagement with staff. For example:
Richard: I got introduced to [Specialty Co.] and started to think more about it and since then I now have a weekly delivery from [brand name]. So, they send me every week a bag of beans which they roasted on a Thursday, I get sent it on the Friday and that will last for the week and then we get a new one and the provenance of the beans that it’s come from and how it’s been prepared, is all itemized. It’s fascinating; you start to appreciate the differences and if you’ve got a reasonable source of fresh coffee that is different every week it gives you a great opportunity to understand the differences from geography but also from the way that the beans are prepared, whether they’re washed or unwashed or whether they’re pulped or not pulped, all that sort of stuff.
Richard’s passage reflects his role as a continuous learner who strives to acquire more knowledge. He then deploys this understanding when engaging with servers at Specialty Co. to signal that he shares the same schema and desires more knowledge—not only about what is currently on offer, but also more esoteric information, such as how each of the three available preparation methods might impact flavor. This further reinforces the dynamic nature of role relations within journeys, as customers like Mel and Richard (and the first author, referred to in the Brazilian coffee field note; see “New mental models” in Web Appendix D) switch among student, nascent expert and, as we explain below, peer roles. Furthermore, servers similarly shift their role-driven practices, reflecting changes in power relations as journeys take shape and become more complex or stickier over time.
In summary, marrying competing logics and script negotiation created the reflexivity necessary for staff to develop a role identity that would enable journey activation (Akaka & Schau,
2019). To embrace the educator role, staff needed to consider their expertise in the context of customers’ sensemaking needs. In so doing, they deployed sensegiving mechanisms that contained superordinate shared meanings that were also personalized, enabling consumers to embrace Specialty Co.‘s logic. Whereas Rosa and Spanjol (
2005) identify that initial sensemaking comes from complex stories, we find that co-created journeys start with simple sensegiving devices that subsequently provide the basis for greater complexity to emerge. Critically, we also identify the multivocal nature of these interactions as customers deepen their engagement in their journey (within and outside the confines of Specialty Co.) and begin to offer personalized narrative devices to staff, who then can use this for a new iteration of sensemaking.
As shown in Fig.
1, consumers who had made sense of Specialty Co.’s offer then engaged in two types of journeys: (1) one that was primarily smooth, which involved operating within the parameters of Specialty Co.’s offer (i.e., they understood that coffee was diverse, knew their preferences, and therefore entered into a predictable journey in each encounter) or (2) one that was extended in unique ways where consumers’ identity was increasingly connected to further exploration of coffee (and, in some cases, similar emerging categories such as craft beer).
Extending the journey: Evangelizing, expanding collective knowledge, and impression management
Extended journeys were characterized by two significant changes. First, consumer roles shifted from student to peer, with further shifts in power relations between them and the staff. Second, extended journeys saw consumers enter a community of practice, or group of like-minded others (customers and staff) focused on upskilling in an area of personal passion (Wenger et al.,
2002). Therefore, these extended consumer journeys are characterized by a high degree of personalization and co-creation (cf. Schau & Akaka,
2021). Journey extension involved three co-creation practices:
evangelizing, expanding collective knowledge, and
impression management.
Evangelizing, whereby “members act as altruistic emissaries and ambassadors of good will” (Schau et al.,
2009, p. 34), is a practice that co-creates value for the communities that consumers are part of. Importantly, in this case, evangelizing meant consumers championing the educational approach to other consumers. This occurred both in Tripadvisor passages defending Specialty Co.’s approach and pushing back against other reviewers, as well as in face-to-face interactions. Emma’s passage in Table
1 provides an example of this, whereby the now more educated customers would seek greater knowledge on technical production issues from servers or owners of other cafés that sold single-origin coffee. Consumers such as Emma draw on deeper levels of knowledge to apply legitimacy litmus tests to judge the sincerity of seemingly like-minded others, while Anna deployed the knowledge she gained from Specialty Co. to engage with the emerging specialist coffee scene in her home country:
Anna: When I go home [Russia] I look for such shops. If they sort of look remotely like [Specialty Co.], I want to know to what extent they are similar to what they are doing here. If I go to a shop where I’ve felt that they are really excited about what they’re doing, then I’ll ask them, ‘Oh, have you heard about this?’ in a way to sort of try to influence them.
Tripadvisor reviewers provide examples like Anna’s, explaining how Specialty Co. expanded their knowledge of coffee and inspired them to learn even more, while also shaping their category expectations and standards (see Web Appendix B, “Modified category-related behaviors”). The internalization of Specialty Co.’s concept led evangelists to deploy their newly found knowledge when visiting other specialist coffee shops. Customers such as Emma noted how they would drop cues into conversations with servers about their city of origin or mention Specialty Co. as an expression of status and a signal to those in the know to prove their coffee credentials. They would also ask more penetrating questions at other cafés, offer technically sophisticated responses and make thoughtful suggestions of coffees and preparation methods, expecting servers to engage them as peers.
A peer identity also emerged through the practice of expanding collective knowledge. This is exemplified by Mel, who integrated Specialty Co.’s approach within her professional studies on product origin and traceability to discuss with David the veracity of sustainability and ethical claims made by the independent coffee sector. In turn, this line of questioning led David to update his own knowledge, exploring topics such as the impact of growing coffee on wildlife, the sustainability of the expansion of coffee farming, and how to authenticate claims of origin. Mel also drew on her cultural background (Chinese-Malay) to engage servers about tasting notes. Her experience revealed the culturally situated nature of flavor profiles and led the Specialty Co. staff to use an expanded range of descriptors, which eventually evolved into a new way of writing tasting notes to be more accessible.
Mel: I remember being excited about tasting Jackfruit in Ethiopian natural types. I think there were times that I tasted [another flavor type] in the Javanese one as well. Never tasted that in coffee before. [I: Did you tell those guys?] Yes … people relate to taste based on what they have tasted before. So, they would write something along the line of stone fruits. Then I said Jackfruit, because in some fruits you have the taste of sour, in some fruit you have the taste of sweetness. Then you have the aroma as well. For me Jackfruit has all the different spectrums of flavors. That’s kind of fun. But also sort of having this awareness that we might be tasting the same thing, but we’re describing it differently.
As an example of customer-initiated co-creation, Mel’s culturally generated insights shaped changes to Specialty Co.’s store design and script behaviors. First, servers used Mel’s insights to engage other customers, both in script form and with an expanded set of descriptors on the menu board. Mel’s insights also were used by other customers, many of whom were familiar with South-East Asian flavors, to expand their own sensory repertoire. Second, the realization that tasting notes were culturally situated led David to reconsider the value of notes altogether. In a subsequent blog post he announced that Specialty Co. had moved to much simpler notes focusing on dominant flavors, as overly complicated notes often made customers feel incompetent when they could not perceive subtle flavors.
For Mel and others, the development of expertise led to a sustained journey that resulted in a further updating of their schema while simultaneously developing new expectations of the staff. The passages in Table
1 (Maude) and from Anna and Mel indicate that role relationships shifted from student–educator to peer-to-peer, resulting in an expectation that servers would respond in kind. This expectation is also reflective of customers’ own embrace of a craft, rather than commercial, logic (Dolbec et al.,
2022). Other evidence of the shift in relations and resulting expectations came when we noticed that some customers reported decreasing their patronage of the café when Specialty Co. focused on new business opportunities. The owners’ absence from the store as they worked on developing their new venture, coupled with the loss of three early staff, meant that the remaining (and usually less experienced) servers focused more on managing a smooth customer journey than on further developing expertise. As Al describes:
Al: Those old staff members that seemed to have quite an in-depth knowledge and would talk to me about coffee aren’t there anymore. … I don’t really think I’ve learned much in the last six to eight months. There’s just a lot younger staff members there at the moment. I think that I definitely experience a kind of one-size-fits-all service in the sense of “yeah, this one is a really good one, you’ll like it,” but not being told why. Whereas in the past it would have been like my palate would have been better understood. Now I’m not expecting a coffee shop to remember every single coffee every single person has, but there was definitely more of a ‘we know that this guy likes this and therefore he might be interested in trying something completely different down the end of the spectrum because we’re trying to enhance his relationship to coffee.’ I don’t experience that anymore.
Al’s decrease in patronage is a reminder that, contrary to expectations, the engagement that can initially lead to extended journeys can also lead to a diminishment of commitment.
Finally,
impression management was a means by which peers signaled their identity. This took many forms and included assessing customers for their potential as community members and welcoming and engaging with new, seemingly like-minded customers (see Ian and Mikhalia’s passages in Table
1). Other examples of this practice involved using expert language as described earlier, commenting on David’s recent blog posts, watching and discussing coffee-related events including competitions, and engaging with complex ideas such as those covered in David and Glen’s blog posts on the science of coffee. For example:
Charles: Just everything about the coffee industry, all the things that go into coffee and what can affect coffee—so obviously some of it is pressure, grind size, all that type of stuff. Water. I could probably recite quite a lot of Glen’s talk - not necessarily understanding it all - at least the first time I heard it, when he was testing this, that and the other, and parts per million. But as he’s refined that talk, it’s not necessarily dumbed down, but it’s more relative to the normal people as opposed to scientists. So now when I go to places, I have my Beanhunter app and I go and find coffee or I say to David and Paige ‘I’m off to so-and-so, is there anything good?’
As well as deepening one’s engagement in the category like Charles describes, other actions often involved defending the café, with regulars submitting Tripadvisor reviews to counter criticisms and signal to like-minded others that Specialty Co. was worthy of visiting (see the passage on “Distinction” in Web Appendix C). Finally, regulars would try and enhance their status by sharing bags of externally sourced beans with Specialty Co. In one case, the first author provided David with a Robusta-Arabica (two species of coffee) blend used by a Singaporean barista as a pathway to shift locals away from more bitter (Robusta) coffee towards a lighter (Arabica) roast. Specialty Co. had a policy of acknowledging status by serving the best of such shared beans as a special “guest coffee” on the menu board. In these cases, the coffee was credited to the customer, providing them with enhanced status among community members. The very best of these were immortalized in a display work developed by David and placed in the seating area at the entrance of the café (see Web Appendix F).