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International Journal of Social Robotics
Erschienen in: International Journal of Social Robotics 3/2015

01.06.2015

Robot Caregiver or Robot-Supported Caregiving?

The Performative Deployment of the Social Robot PARO in Dementia Care

verfasst von: Michaela Pfadenhauer, Christoph Dukat

Erschienen in: International Journal of Social Robotics | Ausgabe 3/2015

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Abstract

Much has been written—not least in this journal—about the potential, the benefits, and the risks of social robotics. Our paper is based on the social constructivist perspective that what a technology actually is can be decided only when it is applied. Using as an exemplar the robot baby seal PARO, which is deployed in Germany mainly as activation therapy for elderly people with dementia, we begin by briefly explaining why it is by no means clear at the beginning of the development phase what a technology is actually going to be. Rather, this is established in the light of, and in coordination with, the context of application. We then present some preliminary results from our ongoing study of the way in which this social robot is applied by professional care workers in a nursing home for the elderly. The underlying theoretical assumption on which our study is based is that the appearance and the performative deployment of a technical artifact are interdependent. Only in combination with experiences—the experiences of others, imparted in diverse forms as knowledge, and first-hand experience of using the technology—are the design and the technical functionality of the device of relevance to its appearance, that is, to what it is regarded as being. Our video-assisted ethnographic study of persons with dementia shows that, on the one hand, PARO is deployed performatively as an occasion for communication and as an interlocutor, and, on the other, it is applied as an observation instrument.
Vorheriger Artikel A Neural Architecture for Performing Actual and Mentally Simulated Movements During Self-Intended and Observed Bimanual Arm Reaching Movements
Nächster Artikel The Automation of Taste: A Theoretical Exploration of Mobile ICTs and Social Robots in the Context of Music Consumption

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Fußnoten
1
“What matters for the human–robot relation is how the robot appears to human consciousness” [5, p. 199].
 
2
On the meaning of “performance” in the phenomenological sociology of knowledge, (cf. [7]); for an understanding of the execution of a projected act following the planning and decision phases, (cf. [8]).
 
3
The advantage of these CPU processors is that they initiate processes very quickly, efficiently, and without any noticeable delay.
 
4
These sensors were developed collaboratively with a company for Clinical Diagnostics.
 
5
Cf. Knoblauch [15, p. 39], who uses the term Selbsttaetigkeit (automation) in relation to the movements of a divining rod.
 
6
The designer himself considers the choice of “emotional” as a label for this research area to be unfortunate.
 
7
The results of the application of functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS) at Nihon University in order to investigate brain activities and functions in student subjects during interaction with PARO [23] are considered to be empirical confirmation of the fact that PARO is perceived as having emotions. In principle, the paradigm shift in the field of robotics, whereby robots are regarded as mechanisms of emotional HRI, has led to a change in the methods of scientific evaluation. Shibata et al. [22, p. 466] stress that subjective assessments rather than objective measures (such as speed, accuracy, etc.) are decisive for the evaluation of interactive, emotion-stimulating robots.
 
8
However, with regard to the purpose of such devices, the focus continues to be on the assistive function. As Shibata et al. [32, p. 444] stress, “the artificial emotional creatures exist to assist people in everyday life”. Therefore, in contrast to the EU-funded HOBBIT project, which is based on such a mutual-care concept [33], these robots are not designed to care for humans and to be cared for in return.
 
9
Researchers from a diverse range of disciplines have dealt with AI and the possibility of imitating human thinking [(e.g. [34‐36]), (cf. [37, p. 221])]. On the debate within AI research, cf. Meister [38]; on “the paradigm shift in AI”, cf. also Brooks [39].
 
10
Drawing on cognitive science theories, such as simulation theory [43] and the theory of mind [44], researchers in the area of HRI design consider this empathy to be a basis for “expressive and rich interactions” with robots [45, 46].
 
11
Shibata and Wada [3, p. 382] assign PARO to the second of the following three categories of animal-like robots (1) familiar animals, (2) non-familiar animals, and (3) imaginary animals or characters.
 
12
PARO is not the only social robot designed for therapeutic use [56]. So-called “robotherapy” or “robotic psychology” [56, p. 1792], for example, employs the cat-like robot NeCoRo [56]. A teddy bear robot called the Huggable [57], which features a “sensitive skin” that detects very light touch, is deployed as a “therapeutic robotic companion for relational, affective touch” [55, 58]. And the robot dog Homie, designed as an “artificial companion for elderly people”, simulates various emotional states with the aim of facilitating emotional bonding [59, p. 1].
 
13
Besides the model of innovation proposed by Van de Ven et al., research on technological development has yielded numerous other models for the analysis of the genesis of new technologies (cf. [64]).
 
14
The period of investigation—in view of the novelty effect—and the problem of comparison groups are just two very striking problems that beset the research design of these studies. The artificiality of the experimental design, which is necessary to control other factors that could potentially influence the effect, basically cancels out the advantage that, in contrast to many other artifacts developed in this field, PARO has already been applied in professional caregiving settings.
 
15
Apart from these studies, the alleged advantages of the robot seal compared, for example, to therapy animals are stressed by the distributors on online platforms and in deployment tests and demo videos that are available on the Internet.
 
16
Fuhse and Muetzel [85, p. 7] describe as “relational” those network research approaches that also adopt a cultural rather than a solely structural perspective on their research subject. In contrast to Baecker, Haeussling does not understand design merely as an interface between humans and technology but also as an “arrangement”. By this he means a “social nexus that is formed and that forms” ([71, p. 144], our translation) and in which technology, consciousness, the body, and communication represent the central connection points.
 
17
Schuetz [88, p. 210] distinguishes distant “They-relationships” between contemporaries, who are by definition “highly anonymous ideal types”, and “We-relationships” between consociates.
 
18
In non-everyday situations, we use robots as vehicles to cultural worlds of experience (cf. [10, 92, 93]).
 
19
The qualification measure is preceded by 5 days of practical work experience for orientation purposes. After they qualify, additional care workers are required to attend at least one further-training course per year [section 4 of the Betreuungskraefte-RI].
 
20
Cf. by way of example the study currently being conducted by Moyle et al. [94]. In a pilot randomized controlled trial, Moyle and her team have already established the positive effect of PARO on the quality of life of nursing home residents with dementia.
 
21
The facility cooperates with a dog-training school, which trains its dogs on site at the home under research to interact with elderly people and people with dementia. Moreover, one of the additional care workers deploys her own dog. (The animals suitability for deployment in this context was established beforehand).
 
22
Cf. Pfadenhauer and Grenz [95] on participant observation and Tuma et al. [96] on videography. Participant observation continually tends toward observant participation. Rather than being intended, this is determined by the situation in the field (cf. [97]) for example, when PARO cannot be deployed as planned because the additional care worker is on sick leave, and we find ourselves equipped with the device and sitting among residents of the home. In this case, instead of observation data, we acquire experiential data, which are particularly valuable with regard to the experience of lapses in communication and the use of PARO to overcome them.
 
23
On visual protocoling within the framework of which photos acts as a form of knowledge, (cf. [98]).
 
24
Our research acquires contextualization—the results of which cannot yet be reported here—by virtue of the fact that we are also studying the deployment of PARO during house calls within the framework of outpatient dementia care (home visit services in Germany and Switzerland). Moreover, we are interested in the (organizational and national) cultural differences in the way in which this artifact is used.
 
25
Because of its size and color, PARO is hard to miss—provided, of course, one is a “normal, wide-awake adult” (Schuetzs term; on deviation from the norm as a result of dementia, (cf. [102]). However, if a person has impaired vision, which can be exacerbated in dementia patients by a decreased sensitivity to the color white, PARO may not be noticed.
 
26
Germany is not the only country in which the distributors urge customers to take advantage of user training when they purchase PARO. Our ethnographic study confirms Pedersen’s related to Denmark thesis [103, p. 44] that participants are trained not only in the correct application of the device but also in the correct attitude to the technology.
 
27
Throughout this paper we use feminine personal pronouns in relation to care workers and residents in order to make it clear that we were able to observe only female care workers and that the share of males among the residents is also very low. Hence, our data cannot be used as a basis for gender-specific statements.
 
28
We have not yet been able to identify the selection criterion. However, it is probable that, because of the presence of the researcher, the selection is determined at least in part by a ‘demonstration motive’.
 
29
In keeping with our research question, the term ‘humans’ refers here to the care workers. On the problems associated with gaining access to the perceptions of persons with dementia, (cf. [102, 107]).
 
30
Anthropomorphizing has been a controversial topic in HRI for some time now (cf. [108‐111]).
 
31
In 2009, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) certified PARO as a biofeedback medical device. The designer is currently lobbying for its recognition as a medical device in the European Union and Japan (cf. [2, p. 2537]).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Robot Caregiver or Robot-Supported Caregiving?
The Performative Deployment of the Social Robot PARO in Dementia Care
verfasst von
Michaela Pfadenhauer
Christoph Dukat
Publikationsdatum
01.06.2015
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
International Journal of Social Robotics / Ausgabe 3/2015
Print ISSN: 1875-4791
Elektronische ISSN: 1875-4805
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12369-015-0284-0

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