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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

8. Village Governance in China Under the Complexities of the “Three Rural Issues”

verfasst von : Xianglin Xu

Erschienen in: Social Transformation and State Governance in China

Verlag: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

Rural self-governance and the “three rural issues” have become two important topics in the study of China’s rural areas in recent years. Scholars concerned about village self-governance mainly focus their research on the domestic problems of the form and nature of village self-governance, case studies of village elections, the impact of elections on village governance and rural political development.

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Fußnoten
1
Jin and Wang (2002).
 
2
Dang (1999).
 
3
Mao (1998).
 
4
Xu (1997).
 
5
Xiao (1999).
 
6
See Chen (1992).
 
7
Fei (1994).
 
8
On October 14, 1998, “The Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on Several Major Issues Concerning Agriculture and Rural Work,” which was passed at the Third Plenary Session of the 15th CPC Central Committee, emphasized the importance of improving village self-governance: “The key point is to establish and perfect the democratic election system of village committees. Villagers’ meeting or villager representatives’ meeting should be the main form of the democratic deliberation system, as well as a democratic supervision system featuring the open disclosure of village affairs, democratic appraisal, and regular reporting work by villagers’ committees…to promote the institutionalization and standardization of village self-governance.” See volume edited by the CPC Central Archives: Selected Important Documents Since the 15th National People’s Congress (Vol. 1), People’s Publishing House, 2000 edition, p. 576.
 
9
According to various documents of the CPC Central Committee, the State Council and the Ministry of Civil Affairs on the work of the villagers’ self-governance in recent years, the main contents of this work has been to improve the system of making the affairs of the village and government open to the public on a regular basis, i.e., disclosing to the villagers financial revenue and expenditure, family planning policies, homestead approvals, peasant burden apportionments, electricity fee collections, contracting of collective economy projects and other issues. Emphasis has been put on the township Party committees and governments to strengthen the specific guidance of democratic construction to villagers. See on August 5, 1997 the Ministry of Civil Affairs’ “Notice on Further Establishing and Perfecting the System of Village Affairs Disclosing and Deepening the Work of Village Self-governance” (compilation by Ministry of Civil Affairs, Grassroots Political Construction Department Village Division: “1997 Rural Grassroots Political Construction Materials Compilation,” p. 123), Opinions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council on Agriculture and Rural Work in 1998, promulgated on January 24, 1998 (CPC Central Archives: Selected Important Documents Since the 15th National People’s Congress Vol. 1), People’s Publishing House, 2000 edition, pp. 31–32.
 
10
Zhang (2000).
 
11
Cao (2000).
 
12
Li (2002).
 
13
Yu (2002).
 
14
According to a survey released recently by the Ministry of Land and Resources, the area of cultivable land decreased by 25.29 million mu in 2002, of which 21.383 million mu, equivalent to more than three times the average annual area of ecological restoration in the previous five years. In the meantime, adjustments in the agriculture structure also reduced 5.24 million mu of cultivable land and converted it into forest land, gardens and pastures. In addition, investments in real estate and capital construction account for a total of nearly 2.95 million mu of arable land, an increase of 24.5 mu from the arable land that was occupied in the previous five years. According to China’s on-the-ground conditions, the state stipulated that the national average amount of cultivated land shall not be less than a bottom line of 1.6 billion mu. The statistics obtained in 2002 have begun to approach the bottom line stipulated by the state. See China News Network, March 8, 2003.
 
15
For the specific contents and evolution of the system, see Yu (2002).
 
16
Recent analysis by Sun Liping pointed out that in addition to formal taxes, the various “fees” levied by local governments on rural citizens are actually based on the rural citizens’ personal and family incomes and can be regarded as a “quasi-personal income tax”. According to his estimation, the income of rural residents in 2001 was equivalent to 36% of the total income of urban residents, but rural personal income tax accounted for 44–60% of the national personal income tax. See Sun (2003).
 
17
According to China’s National Bureau of Statistics, the value transferred from rural areas through the scissors price difference policy was 96.9 billion yuan, 135 billion yuan and 164.7 billion yuan in each respective year from 1990 to 1992. See Guo (1995).
 
18
Generally speaking, the proportion of “non-normative income” of townships in purely agricultural areas only accounts for about 30%. The main sources are the coordination fees of townships, administrative charges and fundraising fees, which are basically collected directly from rural citizens. However, the proportion of “non-normative incomes” in the more developed coastal areas and suburban townships is generally over 60% or even over 90%. The main sources there are the surpluses from township enterprises and land requisition. This can reflect why rural citizens’ burdens in central and Western China are quite prominent. Because these areas rely mainly on agricultural income, the budgetary revenue with agricultural taxes being its main body cannot maintain the normal operation of township governments, so they have to collect more non-budgetary revenue from rural citizens. With the increase of personnel and institutions, the carrying out of various standard promotion activities and the construction of achievements (“face”) projects, the public expenditures of townships have been increasing year by year. As a result, the burden on rural citizens has increased, and the conflicts between cadres and the masses in villages have intensified.
 
19
According to relevant studies, in 1978, urban residents’ income was 2.57 times higher than that of rural residents. In 1984, it was only 1.7 times higher than that of rural residents due to the reform in rural areas. However, by the year 2000, this proportion has risen to 2.8 times. These figures only reflect the average of the difference between urban and rural areas. In 2000, the per capita net income of farmers in the country was 2253 yuan, but 60% of the farmers received less than the average income. See Yao (2002).
 
20
See Yang (2001).
 
21
See China Macroeconomic Information Network, December 2002, “Tax Reform: A Major Move to Crack Down on Rural Problems—Interview with Huang Weijian, Deputy Director of the Office of Rural Tax Reform in the State Council.”
 
22
See Xiao (2000).
 
23
Tax fee reform is the abbreviation for the ongoing rural tax reform in China. In most areas, the content of this reform is “three cancellations, two adjustments and one phase-out”, namely the abolition of the tax on the slaughtering of pigs, the abolition of township, the abolition of rural education fundraising and other specialized administrative fees and government funds collected from farmers. Adjustments are proposed for the agricultural tax policy and for the collection of special agricultural products tax, to gradually eliminate the unified regulations within a few years. Funds needed for collective production and public utilities are to be discussed and decided case by case by the villagers’ assembly or the villagers’ congress, the goal of tax reform is to reduce the burden on rural citizens and increase the incomes of rural citizens.
 
24
See Xu (2002), Jia and Bai (2002).
 
25
See Rong et al. (1998), Zheng (2000).
 
26
Recently, some non-mainstream scholars have also advocated the establishment of peasant self-organized groups in a wider range in rural areas, such as peasant associations, but these ideas were not accepted by mainstream scholars because of the potential greater uncertainty and political risk.
 
27
In an article analyzing the reform of the administrative examination and approval system, I made a systematic analysis of the structural problems of the traditional administrative enforcement system. I use “spillover of administrative execution” to summarize all the phenomena of the extra costs and burdens brought to society by government administrative agencies in the provision of public goods. The spillover of administration execution not only increases the social costs and burdens, but also increases the political costs of the government. For a detailed analysis, see Xu (2002) and Footnote (10).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Village Governance in China Under the Complexities of the “Three Rural Issues”
verfasst von
Xianglin Xu
Copyright-Jahr
2020
Verlag
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4021-9_8

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