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Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science 1/2022

15.09.2021 | Research Article

Performance, Factions, and Promotion in China: The Role of Provincial Transfers

verfasst von: Mathew Y. H. Wong

Erschienen in: Journal of Chinese Political Science | Ausgabe 1/2022

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Abstract

Factionalism and performance are the dominant explanations of elite dynamics in China. While recent studies focus on the interaction between the two, this article introduces a crucial mediating factor—fiscal transfers—which has largely been overlooked. At the provincial level, leaders have incentives to obtain more transfers from the center and invest to boost GDP growth. Simultaneously decreasing their reliance on transfers is another performance indicator. The resulting balance is political, as leaders may receive more support based on their political connections. Based on two datasets of leaders and provincial finances from 1997 to 2015 and the introduction of instrumental variables, this article finds that while political ties can increase fiscal transfers, they also provide crucial information for leaders to achieve the optimal balance between transfers and growth. The political nature of transfers is also much more pronounced for provincial secretaries than governors. This study has implications for the literature on elite politics and links this research field with the literature on fiscal decentralization.

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Fußnoten
1
Although such decisions must be approved by the provincial people’s congress, this is basically a rubber-stamping process [11].
 
2
For example, the average tenure of governors dropped from over 3 years in 1990 to under 2.5 years in the early 2000s [19 , p. 90].
 
3
A higher growth rate would allow provinces to spend and transfer more in the future, but the tradeoff still exists once the size of the economy is accounted for.
 
4
The Prais-Winsten AR(1) model returns similar results (see the Appendix).
 
5
As pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, the “Shanghai clique” is called as such but not “Shanghai-and-surrounding-provinces clique.” It is less likely that cliques would be formed external to provinces, as they are sizable units. To clarify, I am not necessarily suggesting that a patron would always place clients in neighboring provinces to expand his base. The instrument would be valid as long as there is a correlation between political ties and geographical proximity of provinces, which can be attributed to regional cliques, the similar characteristics of neighboring provinces, and the nature of political appointment (discussed below). I thank the reviewer for raising this point.
 
6
For example, the instrument for the secretary ties of Shanxi in 1998 is the average secretary ties/promotion outcomes of Inner Mongolia, Hebei, Henan, and Shaanxi in 1997.
 
7
Scholars have suggested that promotion to national office, for example, to vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress and the Political Consultative Conference, may not be actual promotion [e.g., 22, 42]. All of the results reported remain unchanged if these are coded as not promotions.
 
8
For example, Choi [6] classified Jiang Zemin’s faction as those who had connections with him when he served in the First Ministry of Machine Building Industry and the “Shanghai clique,” i.e., those who advanced their careers in Shanghai under Jiang. Yet, those who had relationships with Zhu Rongji were excluded.
 
9
Shih et al. [35] defined work ties as the connection between an official and a leader working in the same work unit within two administrative steps for over a year.
 
10
While some scholars have focused on revenue-collection ability, fiscal transfer also takes into account the size of the public sector (such as spending) and captures the extent to which the province depends on/contributes to the central government, which should be the most relevant consideration for central leaders.
 
11
Other variables, such as whether the official is female or an ethnic minority are also tested but are insignificant across all models. They are excluded for model parsimony.
 
12
The raw figures of population and GDP per capita are used in the main models. Using their log-transformations does not affect the main results, as reported in the Appendix.
 
13
Detailed correlation figures for this set of variables are reported in the Appendix.
 
14
Although GDP is a key predictor of transfer gap, the effect of secretary ties is significant in both sub-samples of high/low GDP provinces (results are presented in the Appendix).
 
15
In addition, following Sovey and Green [38], the t-ratio of the first stage must be around 3 for a single instrumental variable. This is also fulfilled in the current analysis.
 
16
In other words, as province fixed effects eliminate all variations across units and focus only on within-unit variations, we are comparing the effect between those who were promoted and not promoted in the same province, thus minimizing potential endogeneity.
 
17
This does not mean that the level of transfers is irrelevant to promotion. First, the difference is merely less pronounced among those with strong ties. Second, the predictions account for the average level of transfers of the province.
 
18
I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for this insightful comment.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Performance, Factions, and Promotion in China: The Role of Provincial Transfers
verfasst von
Mathew Y. H. Wong
Publikationsdatum
15.09.2021
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Journal of Chinese Political Science / Ausgabe 1/2022
Print ISSN: 1080-6954
Elektronische ISSN: 1874-6357
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-021-09764-1

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